November 30, 2012

The Colonies and Oppressed Nations in the Struggle for Freedom

by the League Against Imperialism and for National Independence


Resolutions adopted by the Executive Committee of the League Against Imperialism and for National Independence
Berlin, June 2, 1931
Published by the International Secretariat of the League Against Imperialism
Friedrichstrasse 24, Berlin SW 48

INTRODUCTION

Two Revolutionary Documents of Great Political Importance

The League against Imperialism and for National Independence held a plenary session of its Executive Committee in Berlin from the 30th May to the 2nd June inclusive. This plenary session of the leadership of a great international fighting organisation took place during a period of severe world economic and agrarian crisis; at a time when the tremendous wave of struggle for national freedom in the colonies which has been evident for some time is gradually reaching its culmination and shaking the foundations of imperialist dominance.

The far-reaching revolutionary significance of the two main political resolutions adopted by the Executive Committee at its plenary session cannot be too greatly stressed, for these resolutions clearly reflect the opinions which received expression and approval during the course of the discussions. With the publication of these two resolutions in pamphlet form, the International Secretariat of the League against Imperialism offers the mass movement against imperialism a weapon of the greatest possible effectiveness. It is the duty of all the sections of the League and of all other anti-imperialist organisations to make practical use of this important weapon in their struggle against imperialism and to carry the ideas contained in these resolutions into practice.

The characteristic feature of this plenary session, a feature which distinguishes it from former international sessions, was the circumstance that not only were the anti-imperialist masses in the colonial and imperialist countries represented, in the persons of their most reliable and trusted leaders and pioneers, but that a series of organisations and fighting groups were also represented which aim at emancipating the various oppressed peoples and national minorities in Europe (for instance, in Western Ukrainia, in West White Russia, in Croatia, in Macedonia, in Thrace, in Kossovo, the Slovakian, Hungarian and German minorities in Czechoslovakia, and the national minorities in Roumania). The presence of youth representatives and the special discussion of the youth problem also increased the importance of the session. Delegates of the most varied origins and of varied political opinions took an active part in the fruitful discussions which developed out of the many reports which were presented in the name of the International Secretariat on the situation in the colonial countries, and on the situation of the oppressed peoples and national minorities in Europe. The common aim of the delegates was to give the revolutionary activity of the League a still greater impetus and to link up still more closely the anti-imperialist struggles on an international scale and thus to strengthen their effectiveness.

Without exaggeration it is possible to declare that this session whose results can be seen in the valuable reports presented, in the clear demands put forward, and in the categoric line laid down by it for the political activity of the League, will be a decisive turning point in the development of the League.

What is the meaning of this turning point? It means that the League has finally overcome all hindrances and delays in its activity and that it has now taken up a political course in the direction of a systematic revolutionary mass work on the basis of the consolidation of its organisation and with clear political principles.

The development of the League is a process which is closely connected with the whole development of the struggles for the independence of the colonial and semi-colonial countries. In the very first period of the League development, at the time of the inaugural congress in Brussels, certain groups which approached the League played a progressive role, for instance, the Chinese Kuomintang, the Mexican Nationalist Party, etc. It was not possible to refuse permission to such organisations to take part in the Brussels congress but, of course, they had to be excluded from the ranks of the League as soon as they left the front of the real anti-imperialist struggle and became the counter-revolutionary allies of the imperialists and the oppressors of the masses of their own people.

On the basis of the experiences of the first period of the development of the League, the international congress in Frankfurt am Main gave the propagandist and organisational activities of the League a new direction, a direction towards the toiling masses in town and country and their revolutionary organisations. At the same time the congress warned the masses against the bourgeois so-called anti-imperialist organisations (the national reformists and the social democrats), and against the leaders of the vacillating circles of intellectuals and petty-bourgeois which are all too prone to capitulate under certain circumstances to imperialism, whilst maintaining superficially the appearance of continuing the struggle for independence to its end. The resolutions of this congress, whose correctness has been confirmed during the course of the last two years by the development of the national-revolutionary movement in the colonial countries, abolished the danger of opportunist degeneration in the League and placed it squarely on the basis of an uncompromising anti-imperialist struggle. Despite this, however, the social democrats of the left-wing (Maxton, Fimmen) and the so-called left-wing national reformists (Nehru, Hatta, etc.) remained in the League and attempted to play the same dangerous and demoralising role as had previously been played by the exposed and expelled traitors. The struggle against these elements was not always easy. There were even moments when these treacherous deserters to the camp of the imperialist counter-revolution considered the idea of an offensive against the League with a view to obtaining control of the organisation and turning it into an instrument of corruption and deception in the services of imperialism.

However, in the period from the Frankfurt congress to the present plenary session of the Executive Committee, the prestige of the League increased considerably, particularly in the colonial countries where sympathising groups and even organised sections of the League sprang up spontaneously. In various countries the organisations affiliated to the League made an attempt to interest the masses of the toilers in the anti-imperialist struggle and to win them for active participation in this struggle.

Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that in this phase of the League development also the concrete and positive organisational results were unsatisfactory. Despite favourable objective conditions the League has not been successful in consolidating its organisations in the various countries and in fastening its roots deeply into the broad masses of the toiling population. The organisation of the anti-imperialist youth movement is also in its first stages only and must be energetically developed.

All in all it can be said that up to the present the League has contented itself with conducting anti-imperialist agitation and propaganda without succeeding in leading energetically the movements which were caused by this agitation and propaganda and without lending these movements an organisational form. Up to the present the activity of the League has consisted of nothing more than a purely moral support of the national-revolutionary movement, and an enlistment of the sympathies of others for this movement. Today a new period of development opens up: the foundation of local and central organisations which will be able to take the initiative themselves and to prepare and carry out lasting anti-imperialist mass actions and campaigns.

The plenary session has rendered the movement a great service by exposing in the resolutions which follow, the organisational and other weaknesses of the League, and by urgently stressing the necessity of a change in the sense indicated above, whilst at the .same time laying down the most important tasks to be carried out by the League.

By publicly condemning the treachery of the social democratic and national-reformist hangers-on against the cause of national independence and by finally expelling these traitors from the ranks of the League, the Executive Committee has cleared the air and assured the League of the possibility of speedy development.

From now on hangers-on of this character will be unable to enter the ranks of the League. The six main paragraphs which form the close of the general resolution and which are intended to serve as the basis for the future program of the League, leave no room for ambiguity and deprive all the conscious or unconscious supporters of imperialism of any possibility of slipping into the ranks of the real anti-imperialist organisations. Whoever is not prepared to support these principles unreservedly, whoever is not prepared to recognise them expressly as inviolable principles, whoever is not prepared to work for their realisation, may under no circumstances be permitted to enter the ranks of the League against Imperialism. Whoever raises objections to these principles must be ruthlessly condemned as an enemy of the struggle for national independence and as a supporter of imperialism. The slightest abandonment of these principles in the future must be regarded as a crime. The detailed program of the League which will be drawn up as quickly as possible, will confirm and strengthen this policy.

The work of the plenary session with regard to the oppressed nationalities and national minorities in Europe did much to give the session its special character. The resolution, which was unanimously adopted after a detailed discussion, opens the way for an understanding of the whole complex of questions raised by the struggle of the oppressed peoples and national minorities for emancipation, and shows clearly the revolutionary solution.

The discussion of these questions with the best representatives of the national-revolutionary struggle in Europe, the winning of their support and systematic co-operation on the basis of this resolution, opens up a new field of work for the League and considerably extends its basis of operations. The League never ignored the tragic fate of 42 millions of people who are nationally oppressed in Europe. A number of representatives of these people were present at former congresses and conferences, but for the first time this problem was made the subject of a thorough discussion; for the first time the International Secretariat of the League was instructed to deal with this field of work systematically; and for the first time the attitude of the League in this question was expressed in a political resolution which at the same time represents a program of action. This circumstance is of invaluable significance in connection with the rapid growth of the danger of an armed imperialist intervention against the Soviet Union and of the danger of a new imperialist war in which the masses of the oppressed peoples are intended to be used as cannon-fodder.

The League against Imperialism, which is taking the initiative in this question at the most favourable moment, thus undertakes to serve as a concentration point for all anti-imperialist national-revolutionary movements, whether these movements are in the colonial countries or movements of the oppressed peoples and national minorities in Europe. The League undertakes the tasks of uniting these movements with the revolutionary struggle of the toiling masses in the imperialist countries in a joint struggle against imperialist oppression. With this united front of all anti-imperialist forces in the colonial and semi-colonial countries and in Europe the League aims at securing full national independence for the colonial and semi-colonial countries, and the full right of self-determination, including the right to separate from the State to which they are at present attached, for all oppressed peoples and national minorities in Europe.

The main object of the League against Imperialism remains the furtherance of the national-revolutionary movement for independence in the colonial and semi-colonial countries. A simple arithmetical demonstration immediately shows the necessity of this, for while there are 42 millions of people belonging to the oppressed nationalities in Europe, there is an immense mass of over a thousand million colonial slaves who are writhing under the iron heel of a murderous imperialist system of oppression and exploitation. One thing is certain, that the system of exploitation, slavery and terror which oppresses the one is as bloody and brutal as the system which oppresses the other, and that a simultaneous and joint struggle of these two movements is necessary in order to destroy the whole apparatus of terror and oppression on which the imperialist system of exploitation is based, and at the same time to overthrow this system for ever.

We recommend an anti-imperialist fighters, and all those who sympathise with the national-revolutionary struggle of the oppressed peoples for freedom and wish to support this struggle, to read these resolutions with great care and to do their best to spread a knowledge of their contents as widely as possible. The realisation of the principles contained in these resolutions offers the best guarantee that within a comparatively short space of time the anti-imperialist movements will win the unity and solidarity which they lack to-day, and thus increased power to shake the foundations of imperialist dominance, and to defend the Soviet Union, the only existing anti-imperialist State in the world, against the danger of an armed imperialist intervention.

The International Secretariat of the
League against Imperialism and for National Independence

POLITICAL RESOLUTION

Adopted by the Executive Committee of the League Against Imperialism at its Session in Berlin on June 2, 1931
Growing Anti-Imperialist Revolt of Colonial Masses

a) Asia.

The struggle of all the oppressed peoples to release themselves from the yoke of imperialism has increased tremendously in strength and extent. In China millions of peasants under the leadership of the working class have formed their own armies and are now carrying on a heroic struggle against the forces of the counter-revolutionary Kuomintang and against the imperialists. The magnificent struggle of the Chinese workers and peasants for national independence, for the land, and for political power shows all other oppressed and exploited colonial peoples the only way to victory in the struggle against imperialism.

In India the masses of the people are beginning to realise that emancipation from the yoke of British imperialism cannot be won with the treacherous tactics of passivity and non-violence, cannot be won by coming to compromises with the enemy. The working class in India is beginning to use the weapon of the mass strike. It is beginning to understand that a united front of hundreds of millions must be organised together with the broad masses of the toiling peasantry against British imperialism. Amongst the revolutionary youth and the revolutionary intellectuals there is a growing opposition to Gandhism and to "left-wing" social reformism. And at the same time there is an increasing tendency to take up a really revolutionary attitude towards British imperialism.

The oppressed masses of Indo-China are fighting desperately in the foremost ranks of the great anti-imperialist struggle and showing a magnificent front against the fearful white terror waged against them by French imperialism.

The revolutionary anti-imperialist struggle is surging higher and higher in Egypt, Palestine, Morocco, Tripoli, Syria, Algeria and all other Arabian countries. Italian fascism has succeeded in slaughtering tens of thousands of insurrectionary Arabs in Tripoli, but it has not succeeded in breaking the fighting spirit of the insurrectionaries. The revolutionary insurrection of the masses of the Arab people in Spanish Morocco and its bloody suppression by the provisional government of the bourgeois republicans and the Spanish socialists represents only the beginning of fresh struggles in this section of Arabian territory.

Despite the brutal regime of terror established by Japanese imperialism, the colonial peoples under the Japanese yoke are conducting an heroic struggle for freedom. In Formosa there was an insurrection of the native tribes against the Japanese oppressors.

The workers of the Philippine Islands have now formed their own revolutionary working class party and under its leadership they are taking up the struggle for freedom from the yoke of American imperialism.

Despite the banishment of thousands of Indonesian national-revolutionary fighters against Dutch imperialism, mass demonstrations are taking place in Indonesia under the banner of the struggle for national freedom from the yoke of Dutch imperialism.

b) The Negro Masses.

In South Africa, Madagascar, Kenya Colony, Gambia, Nigeria, the French and Belgian Congo, Guadeloupe, Honduras, San Domingo, the Negro masses have taken up arms in the struggle against imperialism. In South Africa in particular the movement has reached the stage of a conscious class struggle on the part of the white and coloured workers (unemployed workers' demonstrations, the May Day demonstrations, strikes, etc.). New exceptional laws, the increasingly frequent confiscation of the land of the natives, the intensified terroristic measures of the white slaveholders, the new wave of terror, lynching and persecutions in the United States have been unable to stem the rising tide of the Negro struggle for emancipation from colonial imperialism. New and tremendous reserves are wheeling into the anti-imperialist fighting front.

c) Latin America.

In the countries of Latin America the anti-imperialist struggle of the workers and peasants against the "revolutionary" movements organised by various groups of capitalists and landowners and their generals, aimed at nothing further than replacing one system of imperialist oppression by another. The ceaselessly growing movement of the masses directs its blows impartially and with equal sharpness against both British and American imperialism.

The fighting in South and Central America, the interventions in China, the support of the Kuomintang government by the United States of America, the barbaric mediaeval persecutions of the Negroes, the slave relations existing in the southern States, etc., show the real face of predatory dollar imperialism.

The Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism sends its fraternal greetings to the heroic fighters for the freedom of Nicaragua who have defied American imperialism weapon in hand for three years.

The Executive Committee denounces the crimes of the Mexican fascist government which is the perfidious instrument of American imperialism and which does not hesitate to organise massacres of the working people. The Executive Committee considers the struggles which are at present taking place in Honduras (great unemployed workers' demonstrations) and in Cuba (mass strikes) to be very important factors in the development of the anti-imperialist struggle. The Executive Committee considers that the necessary conditions for the formation of League sections as mass organisations are present everywhere in the countries of Latin America and appeals for new efforts to widen the mass basis of the anti-imperialist struggle.

Insurrections and mass movements are taking place in Egypt, Syria, Palestine, China, India, Indo-China, Morocco, Africa and Latin-America. The terrible pressure exerted by capitalist imperialism and the severity of the struggle in the most important colonial countries are leading more and more to the hegemony of the working class, the most energetic and daring section of the masses, in the struggle of the oppressed nations against imperialism. The working class is the binding factor in the great united front of the oppressed peoples against colonialism.

Increased Imperialist Exploitation and Political Repression

The imperialists are straining every nerve in order to crush the revolutionary anti-imperialist movement for emancipation. They are attempting to find a way out of the world economic crisis, which is a crisis of the whole capitalist system, at the cost of the oppressed colonial peoples by means of increased exploitation of the masses. The world economic crisis has tremendously increased the poverty, misery and exploitation of the toiling masses in the colonial countries. The world economic crisis and in particular the agricultural crisis, is nowhere so intense in its effects as in the colonial countries, where the frightful effects of the agrarian crisis reduces millions and millions to the point of starvation. Slave labour and forced labour are becoming to an ever increasing extent essentials of the imperialist colonial regime. The masses of the peasantry are, coming more and more into movement. They are surging up against the fortresses and strongholds of imperialism.

The intensification of exploitation in the colonial countries also effects the situation of the toiling masses in the countries of imperialism and increases their impoverishment. The result is that it is becoming clearer and clearer to the masses in the imperialist countries that their interests are identical with the vital interests of the toiling masses in the colonial countries.

Parallel with the increase of economic exploitation, the system of political oppression has also been intensified to a tremendous degree. The least movement of the masses against imperialism, the least attempt to found national-revolutionary organisations, or to organise the masses of the workers and peasants in trade unions, is countered with increased oppression, imprisonment and even physical destruction of tens of thousands of workers, peasants and students.

The fascist movement in all countries, which is conducting a chauvinist campaign of race hatred, is an instrument of imperialism for holding down the revolutionary mass movement particularly in the colonial countries (for instance, German fascist officers as technical advisers to the hangman Chiang Kai-shek).

Religion in the Service of Imperialism

The growing indignation of the masses against imperialist oppression causes imperialism to use religious organisations to an increasing extent in its struggle against national and social emancipation. This can be seen in the crusade organised by the leaders of all the churches (Roman Catholic, Protestant, Jewish, Mahomedan, Hindu, Buddhist and others) against the Soviet Union, and also in the warlike attitude of the Vatican towards the Soviet Union, in the Papal Encyclical against socialism and communism, in Gandhi's utilisation of religious propaganda in India, etc. All this, connected with the preparations for the Eucharistic Congress in Dublin next year, reveals the role of the leaders of religion as agents of capitalism and imperialism.

The Social Democratic Leaders -- Active Agents of Imperialist Oppression

The leaders of the Second (Labour and Socialist) International and of the Amsterdam International (I.F.T.U.) are prominent in the front ranks of the struggle against the oppressed peoples. The so-called "Labour" Government under the leadership of MacDonald uses every possible method of oppression against the Indian national-revolutionary struggle for freedom. It bombs Indian villages slaughtering men, women and children, it arrests and hangs Indian revolutionary leaders, it sends punitive expeditions to Burma to exterminate the native revolutionaries, it sends British warships up the Chinese rivers to bombard the Chinese revolutionary forces. MacDonald's government is doing its best to drown the revolutionary struggle of the Egyptian and Arabian peoples in blood. Slavery in South Africa finds a powerful supporter in MacDonald and his friends. Vandervelde, the Chairman of the Second International, travelled through China as the guest of the murderous bandit Chiang Kai-shek. The French socialist Varenne directed, as Governor-General of Indo-China, the brutal repressive action of French imperialism against the national-revolutionary movement there.

The French socialists support the bloody actions of French imperialism in Indo-China, Algeria, Tunis, Morocco and in the Negro colonies of French imperialism. Albert Thomas, the representative of the Amsterdam International and Chairman of the International Labour Office of the capitalist League of Nations, organises the struggle against the revolutionary trade union movement in the colonial countries on behalf of the yellow unions rigged up by the Kuomintang with the support of the imperialists. The Spanish socialist leaders are members of the reactionary republican government, the Spanish socialists are assisting to crush the insurrectionary movement in Morocco and the national-revolutionary movements in Catalonia and other parts of Spain. The Belgian socialists not only support the bloody oppression of the Belgian imperialists in the Congo, but they also take a direct share in the proceeds of this colonial exploitation of the Negro masses through the Belgian Workers' Bank. The Dutch socialists, and in particular the "left" socialists, are assisting in the development of plans to save Dutch colonial domination in Indonesia and are taking a direct part in the administration of these colonies, The German social democrats support the new German imperialism in its efforts to obtain mandates from the League of Nations, in other words, to obtain new colonial possessions.

There are no imperialist crimes against the oppressed peoples in which the leaders of the Second and Amsterdam Internationals have no part and which they would not defend to the working masses of their own countries. The so-called left-wing social democrats of the Maxton and Fimmen type play a very miserable role in this respect. At the last International Congress of the League against Imperialism which took place in Frankfurt am Main in 1929, these two pledged loyalty to the struggle of the oppressed peoples against imperialism, but in fact they have both betrayed this struggle. Fimmen, the leader of the Transport Workers' International did nothing to prevent the despatch of munitions and troops to China against the revolutionary forces. Fimmen made no protest against the treacherous policy of the social democrats in Holland itself. In short, Fimmen has deserted his post in the anti-imperialist struggle. Despite the resolution unanimously passed by the Frankfurt Congress to support the insurrection of the native masses in the Arabian countries, Fimmen disavowed the resolution and took the side of British imperialism and its Zionist agents. The attitude of Maxton was similar. Despite his solemn promise to the Frankfurt Congress Maxton shamelessly supported the manoeuvres of British imperialism against the national-revolutionary movement in India, and the policy of MacDonald, Irwin and Baldwin. Maxton defended the whole counter-revolutionary policy of the British government in India, China, Egypt and the other colonial countries oppressed by British imperialism, whilst at the same time trying to mislead the masses of the workers of Great Britain with radical phrases and to deflect them from the revolutionary struggle.

The League against Imperialism, which carries on an unswerving revolutionary struggle against imperialism and for national-independence, can have nothing in common with such elements. The Executive Committee therefore confirms the expulsion of Maxton from the British section of the League against Imperialism as a traitor to the anti-imperialist movement. The removal of these two persons from the League against Imperialism can only strengthen the League in its struggle.

The Nationalist Bourgeoisie Bargains with Imperialism and Betrays Cause of Independence

Apart from the rich landowners, usurers, Princes, Rajahs and compradores, imperialism is attempting with increasing success to win the national bourgeoisie by means of small concessions which do not alter the fundamental character of the imperialist colonial regime, as an ally in the struggle against the steadily growing national revolutionary movement for freedom. The national reformists in the various countries have proved by their actions that they do not represent national interests and that they do not conduct any revolutionary struggle against imperialist oppression. Experience has shown that they very often place themselves at the head of the revolutionary struggle with no other intention than that of throttling it. In return for their treachery to nationalist interests they receive small concessions from the imperialists which in no way affect the essence of the colonial system. The League against Imperialism warns its supporters against the illusions spread by these national reformists concerning the possibility of winning national independence without a revolutionary struggle, merely by utilising the conflicts between the various imperialist groups and depending on one of these groups, whereby the national-revolutionary movement is placed in the service of this imperialist group.

Bloody terror against the national-revolutionary movement, small concessions, promises, concessions to the renegades who betray the anti-imperialist struggle, this is the character of imperialist policy at the present moment. Negotiations are being conducted with the Indian National Congress, with the Kuomintang in China, with the Arabian Executive in Palestine, with the Kut-el-Watan in Syria, with the Wafd in Egypt, with the Sarekat Islam in Indonesia, etc. The League against Imperialism warns the toiling masses against these manoeuvres. The League against Imperialism also appeals for the exposure of the national-reformists who take part in this treacherous bargaining.

The Indian National Congress and its "Left-Wing" Leaders

The intensification of the anti-imperialist struggle has clearly revealed the counter-revolutionary role of the leaders of the national reformist parties. The attitude of the Indian National Congress offers us a particularly valuable lesson. In return for unimportant concessions the Indian National Congress has openly abandoned the fight for the national independence of India. The Executive Committee of the Congress has ratified the treacherous agreement between the British Viceroy and Gandhi, and has thus become an open agent of British imperialism and of the rich Indian landowners and capitalists, and a traitor to the cause of Indian independence to which it has rendered so much solemn lip-service.

The so-called left-wingers, Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Bose, have played a miserable role. Nehru, who solemnly pledged himself as a member of the Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism at the Brussels Congress to conduct an unswerving revolutionary struggle against imperialism, has turned out to be a lieutenant of Gandhi whose treacherous policy was helped to success by the left-wing radical phrases of Nehru. Both Nehru and Bose have attempted and are still attempting perfidiously to deceive the revolutionary youth and the working masses. The Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism declares that Subhas Bose, M. N. Roy, Khandalkar and others have also chosen the path of treachery and abandoned the struggle for Indian freedom.

The session of the Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism declares that Nehru has become a traitor to the cause of Indian independence and an agent of British imperialism. The Executive Committee denounces his treachery before the broad masses of the workers and peasants of India and expels him from the ranks of the League against Imperialism. At the same time the Executive Committee warns the Indian national-revolutionaries to be on their guard against the deceitful and confusing manoevres which will undoubtedly be carried out by Nehru, Bose, Roy and the other left-wing nationalists who have now become agents of British imperialism.

The session of the Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism appeals to the masses who followed the Indian National Congress to break with their treacherous leaders, to destroy the treacherous pact with British imperialism made by these leaders, and to mobilise all forces for the organisation of the struggle for the complete independence of India from the yoke of imperialism.

In reply to the treacherous deception of the masses of the people by Gandhi and MacDonald with "Dominion Status", the League against Imperialism appeals for a revolutionary struggle for complete independence.
The Executive Committee appeals to all revolutionary fighters for the independence of India to link themselves up directly with the League against Imperialism.

The session of the Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism honours the memory of the heroic Indian revolutionaries, Bhagat Singh and his comrades who have been murdered by British imperialism whilst fighting for the independence of India. The followers of these heroic martyrs must line up in the revolutionary front for the overthrow of imperialism and the independence of India. However, this struggle cannot be won by the heroic acts of individual heroes, but only by the conscious mass action of the workers and peasants, and the revolutionary youth.

The Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism congratulates the Indonesian comrades on having on their own initiative opposed Hatta who is pursuing a policy of capitulation towards Dutch imperialism.

Imperialist War Preparations against the Soviet Union

Parallel with the increasing oppression of the colonial peoples by imperialism, the preparations for a great international war of imperialist intervention against the Soviet Union are being conducted. The imperialists are even attempting to form armies composed of the toilers in the oppressed colonial countries with a view to attacking the only country in the world which has really established national freedom as an essential part of its socialist constructive work. It is quite certain that in the coming imperialist attack on the Soviet Union, the imperialists will attempt to use millions of toilers from the oppressed colonial countries against the first Workers' and Peasants' State.

The Soviet Union is the country of tremendous socialist progress on all fields. It is the bulwark of national independence. The rapid progress of the Five Year Plan, the never ceasing construction of socialism, means a tremendous advance in cultural and economic-development for all the nations united within the Soviet Union. The example of the Soviet Union shows how the more progressive peoples can assist the backward peoples on the basis of the solidarity of the peoples emancipated by the revolution, and further the economic and cultural development of these backward peoples. The session of the Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism makes it the urgent duty of all affiliated organisations and of all individual members to use all their forces in the struggle for the defence of the Soviet Union, to expose and destroy the systematic campaign of lies and incitement organised by the imperialists against the Soviet Union, and to make it clear to the masses that this campaign of lies and incitement which serves the ideological preparation of the coming war against the Soviet Union, also aims at winning the masses of the toilers in the colonial countries as cannon fodder for this reactionary war.

The war and the intervention against the Soviet Union will also be a war against the national revolutionary struggle of the colonial peoples. The League against Imperialism protests in particular against the shameful lies about "forced labour" in the Soviet Union, lies which were originated and spread by those same people who fight for the maintenance of slave and forced labour in the colonial countries with all possible means.

Defend the Chinese Revolution

At the same time the session of the Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism draws the attention of all honest fighters against imperialism to the fact that imperialism, and in particular American, British, French and Japanese imperialism, not only supports the counter-revolutionary war against the Chinese Soviet Revolution with money, munitions, the despatch of military technical advisers (in which German imperialism plays a leading role), and the supply of war materials to the counter-revolutionary armies, but that the imperialists directly use their own armies and warships in an open counter-revolutionary war of intervention against the Chinese workers and peasants. The greatest possible efforts are necessary on the part of the anti-imperialist front in order to defend the Chinese Revolution effectively.

New Stage in Anti-imperialist Struggle

The session of the Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism records with pleasure the fact that the cowardly desertion and shameful treachery of certain former leaders of the anti-imperialist struggle have not succeeded in weakening this struggle, but that, on the contrary, the struggle has gained by these defections as a result of increased clarity and determination in the anti-imperialist camp.

The anti-imperialist struggle has entered into a new and higher stage. The intensification of all the capitalist contradictions and the general seriousness of the situation make it incumbent upon the League against Imperialism to intensify its struggle and to consolidate its organisational position. All those elements who are willing to fight honestly for the national independence of the oppressed peoples and who are not prepared to abandon the national-revolutionary struggle for fear of the social demands of the toiling masses in the colonial countries, must be organised together in a united revolutionary front. The decisions of the Second World Congress of the League against Imperialism in Frankfurt am Main in 1929, were fingerposts for the future tasks of the organisation. On the basis of these decisions the League against Imperialism remains a non-party organisation uniting all honest national-revolutionaries and their organisations.

Self-criticism

The session of the Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism points out that the national revolutionary struggle is closely connected with the struggle of the revolutionary masses in the imperialist countries. It points out further that the Soviet Union is the bulwark of the national-revolutionary and anti-imperialist struggle, and records with regret that the national sections of the League against Imperialism have not yet developed the degree of activity demanded by the tremendous nature of their task in order to organise and mobilise all the revolutionary forces in the colonial countries, and to win the masses of the workers and peasants. This remains one of the chief tasks of the League against Imperialism.

The session of the Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism records the fact that the International Secretariat of the League pursued a correct political line in the period from the World Congress of the League in Frankfurt am Main, and took up a correct attitude, in accordance with the decisions of the World Congress towards the most important events in the colonial countries. The Secretariat worked out concrete organisational plans for certain important countries, and in particular for Great Britain, France, Belgium, and West and South Africa. However, it is necessary to record deficiencies with frank criticism in order that they may be removed from the work and organisation of the International Secretariat. Direct connections with the colonial countries were unsatisfactory. In connection with the Arabian insurrection and with the Indian events, the International Secretariat acted on its own initiative, but in connection with certain other events, for instance, the recent campaign on behalf of the Meerut prisoners, the International Secretariat lagged behind the movement. Campaigns in the various countries which were given a good send off, were directed only in their preliminary stages and the result was that they slacked off too quickly and no organisational results were obtained. Insufficient activity was carried on in connection with the organisation of protest campaigns against the terror in China and Indochina. Further, the fact that the international journal of the League has not yet been published, and that in general very little anti-imperialist literature has appeared, must be regarded as deficiencies in the work of the International Secretariat. In the future the active mass work must be led by the International Secretariat in the imperialist and colonial countries to a much greater extent than was previously the case. However, the work of the International Secretariat can only be successful if the sections seriously take up the question of enlarging their organisation and intensifying their work. The session of the Executive Committee is compelled to record the fact that with the exception of certain successes in Great Britain (as, for instance, the recent National Conference) there has been very little organisational progress in the imperialist countries, despite the efforts of the International Secretariat. The French section has distinguished itself by especial passivity. The Executive Committee expects from the sections that they will now energetically take up the task of abolishing the deficiencies of their organisational work. In those countries where no anti-imperialist organisations are in existence, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, etc., steps must now be taken to found them.

Minimum Programmatic Demands of the League

The League against Imperialism must really become a fighting association of all national-revolutionary movements in the colonial countries of all oppressed peoples and all national minorities in Europe. Through its sections and affiliated organisations the League must mobilise the working masses of the imperialist countries for an active struggle in the anti-imperialist front.

The session of the Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism declares that in this new and higher stage of the anti-imperialist struggle, the following programmatic demands must be taken as laying down the general lines of the activity of the organisation:

1.  The complete national independence of the colonial and semi-colonial peoples;

2.  The full right of self-determination for all oppressed nationalities;

3. The removal of the imperialist armed forces from all colonial and semi-colonial countries;

4. Complete freedom of movement for all national-revolutionary organisations, and in particular for all revolutionary working class and peasant organisations;

5. The confiscation without compensation of all undertakings, mines, banks, plantations, lands, etc., at present in the possession of the imperialists and the nationalisation of the same. The abolition of all debts to the imperialists and the abolition of all reparations payments.

6.  The confiscation without compensation of all lands at present in the possession of rich landowners and the distribution of the same amongst the working peasants.

Only those who are honestly prepared to support and fight for these demands can be regarded as revolutionary fighters against imperialist colonial oppression.

Immediate tasks

On this basis the session of the Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism instructs its Secretariat as follows:

a)  to work out a program according to the above programmatic demands and to submit the same to the sections of the League for discussion;

b)  in view of the tremendous importance of the struggle of the national minorities, to work systematically to group these minorities around the League against Imperialism, to persuade them to affiliate to the League, and to give them the necessary representation in the Executive Committee;

c)  to win the representatives of the oppressed nationalities and the oppressed national minorities to a greater extent than previously for co-operation with and representation on the organs of the Executive Committee;

d)  to take all the steps necessary for the publication of a journal popularising the program and the slogans of the League against Imperialism, to carry the objects of the League to the broad masses, and to form an ideological rallying point for the struggle against imperialism;

e) to encourage the activities of the League sections particularly in the imperialist countries, and to pay special attention to individual countries by the formation of special initiative groups to establish connections with the broad masses;

f)  to strengthen the League against Imperialism by rallying all revolutionary working class and peasant organisations, and all national-revolutionary organisations in the colonial and semi-colonial countries;

g)  to pay particular attention to the consolidation of the anti-imperialist organisations in the Near East and Latin America;

h) to see to it that the members of the Executive Committee of the League against Imperialism take a greater personal part in the organisation and propagation of the anti-imperialist struggle;

i)  to pay special attention to the extension of the youth work, to strengthen the work of the International Youth Secretariat and to extend and strengthen the youth sections in the various countries;

RESOLUTION

On the National Revolutionary Movement of the Oppressed Peoples of Europe adopted by the Executive Committee of the League Against Imperialism, June 2, 1931

A) Against National Oppression in Europe.

1. In the name of the national-revolutionary organisations all over the world the League against Imperialism and for National Independence protests indignantly against the scandalous national oppression of millions of people belonging to the national minorities in Poland, Roumania, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, France, Greece, Italy, Hungary, Alsace-Lorraine and Spain, who are forced into a yoke of oppressive exploitation and national persecution by a handful of imperialists of the dominant nations.

2. During the world war and at the conclusion of the robber treaties of Versailles, St. Germain, Trianon and Neuilly, the imperialists of the victorious nations shamefully betrayed their pledges to grant national self-determination and to protect the rights of the national minorities. They robbed over 40 millions of people of their right to national freedom, including Ukrainians, White Russians, Germans, Alsatians, Catalonians, Basques, Hungarians, Slovakians, Croats, Slovenians, Macedonians, Albanians, Montenegrins, Thracians, Bulgarians and Moldavians. Even the modest beginnings of self-administration were abolished. The schools of the national minorities were destroyed and all possible efforts were made to destroy their mother tongue.

3. The imperialists built up a complicated system in which they played off the small nationalities against each other, and in which they established a whole scale of dependence and oppression. Within the new national frontiers of Europe, which were dictated by the robber interests of imperialism, a series of imperialist vassal States were founded: Poland, Roumania, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia and Greece. A number of countries were forced into direct dependence on the victor countries. They were themselves oppressed, but at the same time they were the oppressors, of other nations whose national subjugation was "entrusted" to them by the great imperialist powers.

4. The situation of the masses of those peoples oppressed by imperialism grew more difficult after the war than ever before. Side by side with the old policy of assimilation there appear prominently to-day essential characteristics of colonial enslavement and exploitation, whereby the standards of life and the working conditions of the toiling masses are depressed more and more to a colonial level. Ruthless exploitation coupled with an arbitrary regime of brutal violence forces the workers and peasants of the oppressed nationalities deeper and deeper into poverty and misery and robs the oppressed nationalities of every possibility of independent economic development even in Alsace-Lorraine, German Bohemia und Catalonia, and still more in Croatia, Slovenia, Slovakia, Carpatho-Ukrainia, the Bukovina, Transylvania, Voivodina, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Cyprus, Venezia Julia, the southern Tyrol, the Dodocanese, etc., where imperialist robbery, terrorism and other colonial methods of oppression are applied in their severest forms. In Western Ukrainia, West White Russia, Bessarabia, the Dobrudja, Macedonia, Thrace and Kossovo a bloody regime of repression prevails, a definite policy of exterminating the native population, with mass arrests, fearful tortures, massacres and the deportation of the "recreant" section of the native population.

5. The right of self-determination and the principle of the equality of nations could not be mocked to a greater extent than has been the case in the post-war period under the Versailles system of robber imperialism. The League of Nations and other imperialist post-war organisations and institutions are working zealously to maintain the Versailles system. The so-called Congress of the National Minorities which meets every year and unites the worst renegades and agents of imperialism, misuses the appearance of defending the rights of the national minorities in order to reconcile the nationally oppressed masses with the Versailles system, to deflect these masses from the struggle for national freedom and to cloak the national oppression carried out by imperialism. The League against Imperialism which opposes irreconcilably and determinedly all forms of imperialist oppression and exploitation resolves to organise a ceaseless mass struggle against all forms of national oppression and discrimination with a view to winning complete independence for the oppressed nationalities.

6. The only exception and the only real solution of the national question witnessed in the post-war period is the system of the Soviet Union formed on the territory of the former Czarist Empire. This system guarantees absolute equality, voluntary co-operation and economic development for the various nations united in it and makes possible the development of national culture with a socialist content.

B) The Demands of the Struggle for Freedom.

A real solution of the national question, full national independence, demands a determined and ceaseless anti-imperialist struggle on the part of the masses of the people, above all against the imperialism of the dominant nation. The struggle must be conducted for the following demands:

a) The right of self-determination for all oppressed nationalities up to and including the right to sever themselves from the countries to which they are attached;

b) Complete equality and protection against all forms of national oppression for the national minorities which live scattered on the territories of other nations;

Apart from these fundamental demands, the movement for national freedom in the various countries must put forward a series of concrete demands against all forms of national oppression, and in particular such demands as:

1. against various economic measures adopted by the bourgeoisie of the dominant countries (taxation, customs duties, price manipulations, subsidies and wage depression) which aim at exploiting and enslaving the dependent nations (for instance, in Western Ukrainia, West White Russia, Carpatho-Ukrainia, Slovakia, Croatia, Macedonia, the Dobrudja, Bessarabia, etc.).

2. against the liquidation of the school system of the national minorities, against the attempts to destroy the language of the national minorities, against the attempts to deprive the national minorities of the right at unhindered movement against the prohibition and against every attempt to limit the use of the language of the national minorities in relations with official institutions, before the courts and in the administrative apparatus, etc. and for the setting up of schools living instruction in the mother tongue of the national minorities, and for complete freedom in the use of the mother tongue in word and writing;

3. against arbitrary oppression, corruption and terrorism on the part of the foreign administrative apparatus, for the removal of foreign bureaucrats and police, against the sending of soldiers from the national minorities to other parts of the country, and the occupation of the territory of the country, and the occupation of the territory of the national minorities by soldiers of foreign nationalities;

4. against those forms of centralised administration which even abolish the moderate rights of local autonomy, against the destruction of the local and provincial self-administrations (particularly in Roumania, Yugoslavia, Alsace-Lorraine, Macedonia and the Dobrudja), whereby at the same time the national reformist policy of substituting bargaining concerning local autonomy for the struggle for self-determination must be exposed and opposed;

5. against the mass deportations of national minorities by depriving them of civil rights, by compelling them to choose one nationality or the other, by "exchanging" them with other countries (particularly in Macedonia, Thrace, Transylvania and Slovakia).
The following demands on behalf of the oppressed workers and peasants who are most threatened in their economic existence, must be put forward within the framework of the national-revolutionary struggle:

6. against violence and exploitation coupled with national oppression which particularly aggravate the position of the working class of the oppressed nations, for higher wages, for the seven hour day, for social insurance, for the right of combination for the working class;

7. against the intensified robbery by means of taxation practised by the imperialists in the colonial and semi-colonial countries, against forced auctioning of the property of the peasants for failure to pay taxation (as in West Ukrainia, West White Russia, the Carpatho-Ukrainia, Transylvania, Macedonia, etc.), against the brutal punitive expeditions (as in Kossovo and in Western Ukrainia); for the annulment of all bank and mortgage debts at present burdening the toiling peasantry.

8. For the confiscation without compensation of the land of the rich owners and its distribution amongst the landworkers, poor and middle peasants of the national minorities (particularly in Poland, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Roumania, Greece and Spain), against the colonising policy pursued by foreign imperialism on the territory of the national minorities (as in Kossovo, Macedonia, Thrace, the Dobrudja, West Ukrainia, Croatia, Transylvania, Carpatho-Ukrainia and Slovakia), for the immediate return of the land to peasants who have been driven off, whereby the working colonists must receive full compensation at the cost of the rich landowners through the State; for the right of the deported, driven off and exchanged population to return to their land.

9. For an immediate general political amnesty for all national-revolutionary fighters for emancipation.

C) Against the Agents and Allies of Imperialism in the Ranks of the Oppressed Nationalities.

1. The struggle against the main enemy, the direct external enemy, imperialism, is closely connected with the struggle against the agents of this enemy in the ranks of the oppressed nationalities. These elements are paid agents and direct instruments of the imperialist policy of exploitation and enslavement (for instance, the Ukrainian renegades of the former Petlura type, or Archbishop Count Szepticki and Chomyczyn in Western Ukrainia, the former Raditch supporters like Karla Kovatchevitch in Croatia, etc.). These renegades act openly as the instruments of the imperialist bourgeoisie of the dominant country and are openly supported by the imperialist bourgeoisie as the most effective instruments in the struggle against the national-revolutionary movement for freedom. As a general rule these elements have no influence on the masses of the population of the oppressed nationality. They belong to the camp of the external enemy, the imperialist bourgeoisie of the dominant nation, and must be fought as such.

2. More dangerous than the open instruments of the dominant imperialist bourgeoisie, are the internal enemies of the national-revolutionary movement. These are the national reformist parties and groups amongst the oppressed nationalities, and they conduct a pseudo-opposition to national oppression for the benefit of the oppressed masses. In reality, however, their only aim is to obtain a larger share, of the exploitation of the working population of the oppressed nationality, an exploitation which they wish to carry out jointly with the dominant imperialist bourgeoisie. In this way they betray every day the anti-imperialist struggle of the masses of the people for freedom by conducting a policy of national capitulation and by flirting with other foreign imperialists. The danger of the national reformists is above all the fact that they have mass influence. The more these national reformists lose their mass influence as a result of their systematic treachery, the more necessary will it become for the bourgeoisie to utilise another internal enemy of the national-revolutionary movement, the national fascist organisations. (The best examples of such organisations are: the fascist organisation in Macedonia, the so-called "Internal Macedonian Organisation", the fascist Dobrudjan organisation in Bulgaria, the fascist Albanian organisation "Bascimi Kombatari" in Yugoslavia, and the "UNDO" in Western Ukrainia, etc.). It is of the very greatest importance that the nationalist demagogy of the national reformists and of the national fascists should be continuously exposed. This nationalist demagogy is nothing but a means of detracting the oppressed masses of the people from the path of the undeviating anti-imperialist mass struggle in the form of a united front with the revolutionary proletariat of other nations. It is also necessary to expose and fight systematically against the demagogy of the imperialists, for example, the convening of the Balkan conferences, and their slogan of a "Balkan Federation". The national reformists and the Social Democratic Parties take a zealous part in this demagogy. With this demagogy the imperialists hope to detract the oppressed nations, and the toiling masses of the Balkans from the correct revolutionary path which leads to national and social freedom, and to utilise them for imperialist ends and in particular in the preparations for imperialist war.

3. The social democrats are everywhere the most zealous supporters and defenders of the policy of oppression conducted by their own imperialist bourgeoisie, and the social democrats of the oppressed nations work together with the treacherous bourgeoisie and with the national reformists against the national-revolutionary movement for emancipation (the social democrats in Macedonia, the Dobrudja and in Croatia, the German social democrats in Czechoslovakia). The interests of the struggle for the national emancipation of the oppressed nationalities also demands a determined struggle against the Social Democratic Parties of the imperialist countries, which practically are in the services of the dominant bourgeoisie and which at the same time encourage the national-reformist policy of deception amongst the masses of the oppressed people in order to detract these masses from the national-revolutionary and anti-imperialist struggle.

D) Fighting Co-operation between the National-Revolutionary Movement and the International Proletarian Movement.

The national-revolutionary movement, which ceaselessly mobilises the working masses of the oppressed nationalities, the working class, the toiling peasantry and the working sections of the urban petty-bourgeoisie, in mass actions against all forms of national oppression, can only be really successful if it does everything possible in order to win the broadest masses of the working people of the other nationalities living within the same political State form as allies in this joint struggle. It is also necessary to draw the masses of the fugitives of the respective oppressed nations (Macedonians, Dobrudjans, Thracians, etc.) and also the emigrants into the national-revolutionary struggle for freedom. Above all it is essential for the national-revolutionary struggle for freedom that a close fighting co-operation should be established with the revolutionary proletariat of the dominant country or nation in order to secure the overthrow of the chief enemy, the imperialist bourgeoisie of the dominant nation.

National oppression cannot be separated from the essence of imperialism and can only finally be abolished by a joint and determined anti-imperialist struggle of the masses of the oppressed peoples and classes.
The example of the Soviet Union demonstrates convincingly that a satisfactory solution of the national question and the establishment of voluntary economic and cultural co-operation between the nations are only possible on the basis of a revolutionary alliance which the masses of the people of the oppressed nationalities must conclude with the international revolutionary proletariat, with the Soviet Union and with the national-revolutionary struggle for emancipation in the colonial and semi-colonial countries.

Socialism – Class Struggle in the Soviet Union (1936-1953): The Revolutionary Trials of the 1930’s as the Continuation and Escalation of the Class Struggle

by the Movement for the Reorganisation of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-55

The revolutionary changes that took place in the economy of the Soviet Union during the first two decades led, in the mid ‘30s, to the building of the economic foundation of socialism and the elimination of all exploiting classes; these changes were expressed in the new country’s Constitution (1936).

Analyzing the economic, social, class situation in that stage of Soviet Union’s development, Stalin points out the following in relation to the class structure: “The landlord class, as you know, had already been eliminated as a result of the victorious conclusion of the Civil War. As for the other exploiting classes, they have shared the fate of the landlord class. The capitalist class in the sphere of industry has ceased to exist. The kulak class in the sphere of agriculture has ceased to exist. And the merchants and profiteers in the sphere of trade have ceased to exist. Thus all the exploiting classes have now been eliminated.

There remains the working class.

There remains the peasant class.

There remains the intelligentsia.
” (I. V. Stalin, “On the Draft Constitution of USSR” contained in “Problems of Leninism”, 1936)

However, besides the remnants of the exploiting classes that still exist, new bourgeois elements emerge inevitably due to the transitional nature of socialism – which is not yet a full grown classless society – and the degeneration of former revolutionaries in the course of the construction of socialism-communism.

The experience drawn from the construction of socialism showed that during the whole course of revolutionary transformations in the economic field – facilitated by the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, constantly strengthened under the leadership of the Bolshevik party – from 1917 up to the mid 1930’s the economy of the Soviet Union progressed towards socialism-communism in the midst of tremendous and unseen difficulties and the intensification of the class struggle. The reason why the class struggle became more intense lies in the desperate resistance put up by the exploiting classes still present from the first until the beginning of the second decade and, afterwards, by their remains together with the degenerated bourgeois elements that gained political representation in the ranks of the Bolshevik party: Bukharin, Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev et al). Unless the building of socialism stopped, these elements had to be politically and ideologically crushed. Moreover, they had to be totally eliminated when they proceeded to form terrorist organizations with a view to assassinate party and state leaders, when they became agents and spies of imperialism and, first of all, the Nazi Germany. The assassinations of S. M. Kirov, B. P. Mrezhinsky, V. Kuibyshev, A. M. Gorky are well known. (Report of Court proceedings in the case of the Anti-Soviet "Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites"”). “The Trotskyite-Zinovievite terrorist centre, after it had killed Comrade Kirov, did not confine itself to organizing the assassination of Comrade Stalin alone. The terrorist Trotskyite-Zinovievite centre simultaneously carried on work to organize assassinations of other leaders of the Party, namely, Comrades Voroshilov, Zhdanov, Kaganovich, Kossior, Orjonikidze and Postyshev” (“Prozessbericht ueber die Strafsache des Trotzkistisch-Sinowjewistischen Terroristischen Zentrums”, p. 181, Moskau 1936).

In a decade so critical for the Soviet Union as the 1930’s, the severe crisis in the capitalist world not only deepened the contradictions between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat compelling the former to resort to fascism in order to check the revolutionary struggle of the latter; it also deepened the competition among the imperialist powers for new markets and spheres of influence a fact that would inevitably lead to a new imperialist war. But “every time the capitalist contradictions start deepening, bourgeoisie turns her attention to the USSR. Perhaps this or that contradiction of capitalism can be resolved or all of them together at the expense of USSR, the land of the Soviets, the acropolis of revolution whose mere existence revolutionize the working class and the colonies and is an obstacle to re-division of the world” (Stalin)

In imperialist Germany the monopolies help Hitler’s Nazi gang to rise to power and subsequently, the Berlin-Rome-Tokyo axis is formed on the basis of a tripartite military agreement.

Knowing that the ensuing war was going to be against her, Soviet Union had not only to take advantage of the intra-imperialist competition but, also, to reinforce her defense. This task included the purging the country’s rear of all the terrorist counter-revolutionary groups that had gone too far with their counter-revolutionary action and degenerated into agents and spies of the imperialist and fascist states with the sole aim to undermine Soviet Union’s defense, organizing sabotage, plots, espionage and assassinations. This situation posed a serious danger for the country, especially on the eve of the Second World War, and intensified the internal class struggle. It was in these circumstances, that the revolutionary Moscow Trials against the Bukharinists, Trotskyites and other traitors, agents took place. On the pretext of the revolutionary trials, the world reaction, the Trotskyites, the social-democrats and the various opportunists launched a gigantic campaign of slander against the Soviet Union.

Now, some comments on the trials.

As it is known, the court proceedings of the Moscow Trials – that were trials in open court and not held “in camera” – have been published in three volumes by the People’s Commissariat of Justice of USSR: the first trial (19-24 August 1936): “Report of Court Proceedings in the Case of the Trotskyite-Zinovievite Centre”, Moscow 1936, the second trial (23-30 January 1937): ”Report of Court Proceedings in the Case of the Anti-Soviet Trotskyite Centre”, Moscow 1937 and the third trial (2-13 March 1938) “Report of Court proceedings in the case of the Anti-Soviet "Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites"”

1. Trials of views or of criminal actions? The claim made by various well informed reactionaries that the Moscow Trials were “trials of views” of the defendants, i.e. trials that aim to suppress their political views, is utterly groundless and false; it has an obvious albeit undisclosed objective: to defame and slander the socialism of that period presenting it as “anti-democratic”, and “oppressive”.

The above claim not only is absolutely groundless but it bears no relation whatsoever with the historical truth and this can be easily seen in the verbatim report of the court proceedings which clearly refer to the defendants’ actions and to their ideas. Moreover, and most importantly, it is refuted altogether by the actual conditions prevailing in the Soviet Union at that time: all the books written by the accused former cadres, notwithstanding the false and anti-Marxist views they contained, had been published in the Soviet Union and, many of them, even abroad in various languages by publishers well disposed towards the communist movement. In this respect, the books of the prolific Nikolai Bukharin had a special place. At this point we mention only one which is probably known to many people since its anti-Marxist views were subjected to criticism by Stalin (I. V. Stalin, “The Right Deviation in the CPSU(B)”, 1929, v. 12). We are taking about N. Bukharin’s book “The path to socialism” that was published almost simultaneously in Soviet Union and in Austria (N. Bucharin: “Der Weg zum Sozialismus”, Verlag fur Literatur und Politik, Wien 1925). Bucharin himself in the preface of the German edition confirms the publication of this brochure in other languages: “these reflections justify, I think, the publication of this brochure in other languages” (N. Bukharin: “Der Weg zum Sozialismus”, p.6) All this is familiar to everyone who has even the most elementary knowledge of the foreign literature and the history of the international communist movement

All this is more than enough to rebut the crudest of lies circulated by the reactionaries and the various counter-revolutionaries (the Trotskyites, the old social-democrats and Khrushchevian revisionists) as well as the slanderous fabrications of Trotsky himself.

2. “In camera” or open court trials? When the spokesmen of the reaction, the social-democrats, and all sorts of counter-revolutionaries refer to the revolutionary Moscow trials, they imply that these were held “in camera”, i.e. they were close court trials aiming obviously to slander socialism and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat presenting it before the working class and peoples as “undemocratic” and” oppressive”. They conceal the fact that all the trials, except one, were public, open court trials.

They were attended by diplomats from various countries, lawyers, and soviet workers and even Dmitri Volkogonov, this fascist and pathetic mudslinger of Stalin, dares not doubt this (not to pass for totally unreliable): “Foreign journalists and even diplomats were invited to attend” (Dmitri Volkogonov, “Stalin, triumph and tragedy”, p. 299, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, London, 1991). In relation to this question, we read in “Rundschau”: “the court room is packed. Foreign and soviet correspondents, members of the diplomatic corps and numerous workers were present at the trial” (“Rundschau” ueber Politik, Wirtschaft und Arbeitbewegung, No 10,3/3/1938, p.17, Basel). Also, the American ambassador in Moscow Joseph E. Davies, himself a layer, attended all the sessions and narrates: “At 12 o’clock noon accompanied by Counselor Henderson I went to this trial. Special arrangements were made for tickets for the Diplomatic Corps to have seats” and “on both sides of the central aisle were rows of seats occupied entirely by different groups of “workers” at each session, with the exception of a few rows in the centre of the hall reserved for correspondents, local and foreign, and for the Diplomatic Corps. The different groups of “workers”, I am advised, were charged with the duty of taking back reports of the trials to their various organizations.” (Joseph E. Davies: “Mission to Moscow”, London 1945, p. 26 and 34)

Davies lists the names of the American correspondents, among the many others, present in the trial: “it was Walter Duranty and Harold Denny from New York Times, Joe Barnew and Joe Phillips from New York Herald Tribune, Charlie Nutter or Nick Massock from Associated Press, Norman Deuel and Henry Schapiro from United Press, Jim Brown from International News and Spencer Williams as a correspondent from Manchester Guardian” from whom “Schapiro was an attorney holding an academic title from the Law School of the Moscow University” (Joseph E. Davies: Mission to Moscow).

Concerning the most slandered Andrei Vyshinsky, the revolutionary prosecutor, the American ambassador notes: “the prosecutor who conducted the case calmly and generally with admirable moderation” while in connection to the defendants’ condition, writes: “there was nothing unusual in the appearance of the accused. They all appeared well nourished and normal physically” (Joseph E. Davies: “Mission to Moscow”, London 1945, p.35).

Concerning the legal side of the trials, we are informed by the leader of the treacherous Austrian social-democracy the following: “the eminent English lawyer D. N. Pritt concluded that, the court proceedings were flawless and the accused were able to freely enter their pleas before the court” (Otto Bauer, Grundsaetzliches zu den Hinrichtungen in Mokau, in “Der Kampf”, 10/1936, p.396).

But despite this and the assurances given by eminent layers such as D. N. Pritt, Pierre Villar, Joseph Davies and others for the contrary, the reactionary D. Volkogonov does not hesitate to claim that “most of the accused could only find words to agree with Vyshinsky” and that “all the accused agreed with the procurator, accepted the monstrous charges in a friendly spirit”. He also talks about “violation of the basic rules of socialist legality” (Dmitri Volkogonov, Stalin, triumph and tragedy, p. 294)

Whoever is interested in the historical truth, he has only to study the full verbatim record of the court proceedings mentioned above and, also, the communist and bourgeois press of that time.

The only trial that was not held in open court – because it was related to Soviet Union’s defense– was the trial of Tukhatchevsky who, thrilled by the military might of Nazi Germany, aimed to stage a military coup in order to overthrow the Dictatorship of the Proletariat in the Soviet Union.

In the beginning of 1936, on his way to London to attend the funeral of king George V, stopped at Warsaw and Berlin where he met with Polish and German generals. Returning from London and during a banquet held by the Soviet embassy in Paris, he praised Nazi Germany in public and advised the Romanian minister for foreign affairs Nicola Titulescu to attach his country to “New Germany”:

“Tukhatchevsky who was sitting on the same table with Romanian Minister for Foreign Affairs Nicola Titulescu, explained to him: Monsieur le Ministre, it is not fair to connect your career and the fate of your nation with old and “doomed” countries like Great Britain and France. We have to turn our attention to the new Germany. For, at least, certain period of time Germany will take the leadership of the European continent. I am convinced that Hitler will contribute to the salvation of all of us” (Michael Sayers and Albert Kahn: “The Great Conspiracy against Russia”)

These comments by Tukhatchevsky were recorded by another invited Romanian diplomat, Schachanan Esseze, the head of the Press Bureau of the Romanian embassy in Paris. The well known political writer, Genevieve Tabouis recounts later in her book: “My name is Cassandra”:

“I saw Tukhatchevsky for the last time on the day of the funeral of George V. In Soviet embassy banquet, the Russian general appeared very open in his conversations with Politis, Titulescu, Herriot and Boncour…He had just come back from a trip to Germany and he couldn’t stop praising the Nazis. He was sitting on my right, and whenever he referred to an imaginary agreement between Hitler and the other great powers, he repeated: “Madame Tabouis, the Germans now are already invincible”

What urged him to make such enthusiastic statements? Had the German diplomat brainwashed him with an especially cordial reception? That evening I wasn’t the only one who felt worried with his enthusiastic remarks. One of the guests, an important diplomat, after leaving the embassy, whispered in my ear: Well, I can only hope that not all Russians think in this way.”
(Michael Sayers – Albert E. Kahn: «Die grosse Verschwoerung», p. 310-311, Verlag Volk und Welt, Berlin (DDR) 1949, US title: “The Great Conspiracy against Russia”).

3. “Extraction” of confessions through “torture” and “pressure” or voluntary admission of the crimes by the accused?

The crux of the slandering campaign launched by the world reaction, the Trotskyites and the social-democrat traitors against the Soviet Union, on the eve of the war, was the lie that the defendant’s confessions resulted from torture and pressure. This was later spread by the Krushchevians’ Goebbelist propaganda against Stalin: “the confessions were acquired through the exercise of physical violence, torture” (N. Khrushchev: “The Secret Report” at the 20th Congress of CPSU). This totally groundless claim is still widely spread nowadays as it is shown by the references made by reactionary “historians” and journalists: “the confessions, the course of the trials, was a result of torture” (Christine Reymann, Berlin).

We have to note, at first, that this argument of the anti-stalinist reaction of all kinds (from fascists to Trotskyites and from old to new Khrushchevian social-democrats) is nothing more a charming fairy tale for children when we are discussing about experienced cadres. In our country, the revolutionary communist Nikos Belogiannis didn’t confess under “the exercise of physical violence, torture” nor in the offer of the local reaction to become a minister and he was executed, choosing to die instead of being humiliated. The same did lots of hundreds of communists.

Isaac Deutscher, with the semblance of seriousness shown by a professional Trotskyite slanderer writes: “the accused hoped that their confessions would save them and their families, offered them a ray of hope if being saved” (Isaac Deutscher, Stalin, a political biography). But being careless, he forgot a “small” detail: every admission of such criminal acts was punishable by death in the Soviet Union at that time, a fact known to everybody and, most and foremost, the accused themselves. How is it, then, possible that there was even a “a ray of hope of being saved”?

The same ridiculous slanders are repeated by Dimitri Volkogonov: “Stalin had defeated Zinoviev and Kamenev by exhaustion and deception. He took Pyatakov and his “partners” by torture” (Dmitri Volkogonov, Stalin, triumph and tragedy, p. 292, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, London, 1991). “The investigators had a wide range of means to obtain the desired confession” (ibid, p.294) and for Bukharin he says that “threats were made against his young wife and infant son” (ibid, p.300). This is how low the Khrushchevian social-democrats have descended.

However, Volkogonov and Co. are unfortunate to be refuted, 52 years in advance, by an eye-witness, lawyer and representative of the American imperialism, the then USA ambassador in Moscow, Joseph E. Davies who was attending the court sessions on a daily basis: “there was nothing unusual in the appearance of the accused. They all appeared well nourished and normal physically” (Joseph E. Davies: “Mission to Moscow”, London 1945, p.35).

Concerning the issue of forced confessions, we make some brief but important remarks:

First, none of the accused stated that he was tortured.

Second, the flawless way the Trials were conducted made sure that the accused had the opportunity for a free statement according to the conclusion of the eminent English lawyer D. Pritt but also of others including Joseph E. Davies.

Third, the representative of the American imperialism in Moscow, Davies, did not notice that any of the accused were tortured but on the contrary, as mentioned above, “there was nothing unusual in the appearance of the accused. They all appeared well nourished and normal physically”. Neither did he mention that there was an atmosphere of fear restriction since Vyshinsky “conducted the case calmly and generally with admirable moderation”

Fourth, if the accused had confessed false crimes, i.e. crimes they had not committed, under the “pressure” or “torture” – as the international reaction claims – then, they would have been shot unjustly but surely since these criminal activities were punishable by death in the Soviet Union at that time.

However, for the case of Bukharin, there is fortunately an additional and of the gravest importance, testimony which is almost entirely unknown: whatever Bukharin publically admitted in his trial, were confirmed by the testimony of his close friend and renegade Jules Herbert-Droz; consequently, the conspirator Bukharin deliberately admitted his crimes without any alleged “pressure” or “torture” .

A very close political and personal friend of Bukharin, the Swiss Jules Herbert-Droz, former secretary of Comintern (1921-1928) refers to his last meeting with Bukharin in an interview (30/10/1965) an in a letter to A.G. Loewy (22/11/1965): “I saw Bukharin for the last time at the end of May 1929. He informed me about two things: 1. his companions Rykov, Tomsky and others were planning to form a bloc with the Trotskyites. Tomski had already contacted Kamenev. 2. The opposition was planning to organize individual terrorism against Stalin” (A.G. Loewy: Die Weltgeschichte ist das Weltgericht, p. 373, Europa Werlag Vien, 1969) Moreover, Humbert-Droz himself, writes in the second volume of his memoirs: “before my departure (to Latin America) I visited Bukharin for a last time because I didn’t know whether I was going to see him after my return. We had a long and open conversation. He briefed me on his group’s contacts with the group of Zinoviev and Kamenev and coordination of the struggle against Stalin’s authority. Bukharin also told me that they had decided to resort to individual terrorism in order to get rid of Stalin! This was our last conversation. These who, after Lenin’s death, could eliminate Stalin politically, based on Lenin’s testament, tried to eliminate him physically when he firmly held the police-security apparatus of the state”(Karl Hofmeier: “Memoiren eines Schweizer Kommunisten / 1917-1947”, p. 142, rotpunkt verlag Zurich 1978 and “Memoires de Jules Herbert-Droz”, v.2, p. 379-380).

And the communist Karl Hofmeier comments the attitude of the renegade Droz: “until his death, Humbert-Droz remained silent about his Trotskyite-Bukharinist past! That is the disgraceful end of the long-term secretary of the Communist International” (ibid, p.380). Afterwards, Droz became the secretary of the Social-Democratic party of Switzerland, 1946-1959).

More than 35 years after this very important testimony from a very close and personal friend of Bukharin, Herbert-Droz, according to which Bukharin was planning to physically eliminate Stalin, the credibility of the Khrushchevian revisionist slanderers of Stalin and the Goebelist Volkogonov amounts to continue the mud-slinging: “Bukharin was threatened and blackmailed”,

It is obvious from all the above that the accused were compelled to admit their criminal acts not because of “torture and pressure” but because of the legal and political formulation of the indictment by the Procurator and the overwhelming evidence amassed against them.

Moreover, the opinion of foreign diplomats for the Trials and the existence or absence of the Trotskyite-Bukharinite centre and its terrorist activity are of particular importance.

The American ambassador Davies notes: “I have spoken with many, if not all, of the members of the Diplomatic Corps here and, with possibly with one exception, they are all of the opinion that the proceedings established a clearly the existence of a political plot and conspiracy to overthrow the government” (Joseph E. Davies: “Als USA-Botschafter in Moskau”, p. 35, Steinberg Verlag Zuerich 1943, English version: “Mission to Moscow”, London 1945, p. 39).

Somewhere else: “Another diplomat, made a most illuminating statement to me yesterday. In discussing the trial he said that the defendants were undoubtedly guilty; that all of us who attended the trial had practically agreed on that; that the outside world from the press reports, however, seemed to think that trial was a put-up a job (façade, as he called it); that while we knew it was not, it was probably just as well that the outside world should think so” (Joseph E. Davies: “Mission to Moscow”, London 1945, p. 83)

In a letter to Sumner Welles, concerning the Tukhatchevsky trial, he writes: “Conditions here are, as usual, perplexing. The judgment of those who have been here longest is that conditions are very, very serious; the best judgment seems to believe that in all probability there was a definite conspiracy in the making looking to a coup d’ etat by the army – not necessarily anti-Stalin, but anti-political and anti-party, and that Stalin struck with characteristic speed, boldness and strength. A violent “purge” all over the party has been going on. The opinion of the steadiest minds of the Diplomatic Corps is that the government is not in imminent danger and is still strong.” (Joseph E. Davies: “Mission to Moscow”, London 1945, p. 111)

In a letter to his daughter (on the 9th of March 1938) he writes: “The extraordinary testimony of Krestinsky, Bukharin and the rest would indicate that the Kremlin’s fears were well justified. For it now seems that a plot existed in the beginning of November 1936, to project a coup d’etat, with Tukhatchevsky as its head for May of the following year. Apparently it was touch and go at that time whether it actually would be staged.”

In his overall evaluation of the Bukharin trial, he writes to the State Department: “… after daily observation of the witnesses, their manner of testifying, the unconscious corroboration which developed, and other facts in the course of the trial, together with others of which a judicial notice could be taken, it is my opinion so far that as the political defendants are concerned sufficient crimes under Soviet law. Among those charged in the indictment, were established by proof and beyond a reasonable doubt to justify the verdict of guilty of treason and the adjudication of the punishment provided by Soviet criminal statutes. The opinion of those diplomats who attended the trial most regularly was general that the case had established the fact that there was formidable political opposition and an exceedingly serious plot, which explained to the diplomats many of the hitherto unexplained developments of the last six months of the Soviet Union.” Joseph E. Davies: “Mission to Moscow”, London 1945, p. 178-179)

4. The slanderous campaign launched by the world reaction, the Trotskyites and the social-democrats.

The world reaction, the Berlin-Rome-Tokyo axis in the first place, together with the counter-revolutionary Trotskyites and the support of social-democrats outdid everyone else in vilifying the Soviet Union and Stalin. The leaders of the treacherous social-democracy, in particular, were among the campaign’s main props, widely publicized in the daily press.

Under these circumstances, the international communist and proletarian movement was obliged to respond and one of its leaders, Georgi Dimitrov, addressed the social-democrats with an article: “Support to the terrorists is the same as help to fascism!”, whereby he accurately determine the content of the dispute making clear from the start, that: “it is impossible to read the telegram that the official representatives of the socialist international and the international trade-union federation, De Brouckere, Adler, Citrine and Scheveneis sent so hastily to the soviet government on the occasion of the trial of the terrorist Trotskyite-Zinovievite center without feeling the deepest indignation”; and rightly pointing out that “the trial of the terrorists, the agents of fascism, is an integral part of the international working class anti-fascist struggle” (Georgi Dimitrov: “Gemeine Terroristen in Schutz nehmen, bedeutet dem Fascismus helfen” in ‘RUNDSCHAU” ueber Politik Wirtschaft und Arbeiterbewegung, 5, Jahrgang, No 28, 27/8/1936, p. 1541 Basel).

The counter-revolutionary Trotsky who, from a Menshevic social-democrat, had degenerated to an agent of fascism and a traitor of his country, the Soviet Union, organized a “counter-trial”; he set up the so-called “Dewey Commission” (1937-1938) presided by the most famous ideological spokesman of American imperialism, the ultra-reactionary pragmatist philosopher John Dewey. Unfortunately for him, the outcome was disappointing since none of the evidence presented in the Moscow Trials could be refuted. However, the arrogant collaborator of the Hitlerites assures us that: “I had the opportunity to give an oral and written account before the Investigation Commission on the “Moscow Trials” presided by John Dewey, and not one of these reports was doubted”. So Trotsky gave an account to the Commission set up by himself!

The significance of the “American Commission for the defense of Trotsky” is indicated by the fact that it published a statement signed by 17 personages seven of whom reported that their names were used without their consent, that they didn’t know the content of the statement and nobody asked them. Among those who complained, was Professor Franz Boas, the Professor Goldenweiser from the University of Wisconsin, Professor Lundberg, the writer of the book “The sixty families of America”, Professor Kilpatrick from Columbia University, Professor Leonard von Roscoe from the University of Wisconsin the writer Burton Roscoe and Wood Krutsch” (RUNDSCHAU” ueber Politik Wirtschaft und Arbeiterbewegung, 5, Jahrgang, No 16, 17/3/1938, p. 1541 Basel).

What is of particular and special interest is the content of the agreement between Trotsky and the Nazis. In his meeting with Trotsky on the outskirts of Oslo, in the beginning of December 1935, Pyatakov received first hand information about this agreement and fixed date of the outbreak of the war:

“It was clear to Pyatakov that Trotsky had not invented this informa­tion. Trotsky now revealed to Pyatakov that for some time past he had been "conducting rather lengthy negotiations with the Vice-Chairman of the German National Socialist Party—Hess." As a result of these negotiations with Adolf Hitler's deputy, Trotsky had entered into an agreement, "an absolutely definite agreement," with the Government of the Third Reich. The Nazis were ready to help the Trotskyites to come to power in the Soviet Union.

"It goes without saying," Trotsky told Pyatakov, "that such a favourable attitude is not due to any particular love for the Trotskyites. It simply proceeds from the real interests of the fascists and from what we have promised to do for them if we come to power."

Concretely, the agreement which Trotsky had entered into with the Nazis consisted of five points. In return for Germany's assistance in bringing the Trotskyites to power in Russia, Trotsky had agreed:—

(1) to guarantee a generally favourable attitude towards German government and the necessary collaboration with it in the most important questions of international character;

(2) to agree to territorial concessions [the Ukraine];

(3) to permit German industrialists, in the form of concessions (or some other forms), to exploit enterprises in the U.S.S.R. essential as complements to German economy (iron ore, manganese, oil, gold, timber, etc.) ;

(4) to create in the U.S.S.R. favourable conditions for the activi­ties of German private enterprise;

(5) in time of war to develop extensive diversive activities in enterprises of the war industry and at the front. These diversive activities to fee carried on under Trotsky's instruc­tions, agreed upon with the German General Staff.

…At the end of two hours, Pyatakov left Trotsky in the small house on the outskirts of Oslo and returned to Berlin as he had come—by privately chartered plane, and carrying a Nazi passport”
(Michael Sayers and Albert Kahn: “The Great Conspiracy against Russia, p. 104-105)

The existence of the Trotsky-Nazi agreement was also admitted by Bukharin in his confession: “In the summer of 1934 Radek told me that directions had been received from Trotsky, that Trotsky was concluding negotiations with the Germans, that Trotsky had already promised the Germans a number of territorial concessions, including Ukraine. If my memory doesn’t fail me, territorial concessions to Japan were also mentioned. In general, these negotiations Trotsky already behaved not only as a conspirator who hopes to get power by means of an armed coup at some future data but already felt himself the master of Soviet land, which he wants to convert from Soviet to non-Soviet….As I remember Tomsky told me that Karakhan had arrived at an agreement with Germany in more advantageous terms than Trotsky” (Report of Court proceedings in the case of the Anti-Soviet "Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites”, p. 430,432, Moscow 1938).

Fortunately, the Dictatorship of the Proletariat managed to defend itself and foiled the plans of the Trotskyite-Bucharinite bloc and the counter-revolutionary Trotsky that included: 1. The undermining of the country’s defense through the action of the terrorist “5th column” 2. The secret agreement with General Staffs of fascist Germany and Japan. 3. The agreement that offered Ukraine and other soviet territory, to the Germans.

Fifteen years after the treacherous agreements of Trotsky with the Nazis, the various Trotskyite factions show their real facee; we only mention the case of Tony Cliff who outrageously defended the Russian fascist traitors Vlasov-Molyskin who joined the Nazis in the war against their country. (Tony Cliff: “State Capitalism in Russia”)

It should be reminded that besides the soviet state, the Republican government of Spain during the civil war also put the Trotskyites conspirators to trial and in particular the cadres of POUM (Partido Obrero Unificacion Marxista) who were Franco’s “fifth column”. The leader of POUM at that time was Andreas Nin, an old friend and associate of Trotsky (RUNDSCHAU” ueber Politik Wirtschaft und Arbeiterbewegung, 5, Jahrgang, No 52, 20/10/1938, p. 1765-1766, No 53, 27/10/1938, p. 1807-1809, No 54, 3/11/1938, Basel). Nevertheless, the Trotskyites “recount” that these trials were also organized by Joseph Stalin.

5. Defense of the Trials from the international communist movement and by hundreds of anti-fascists and communist intellectuals.

The international communist movement in one voice, the Comintern, the communist and workers’ parties individually, including the revolutionary KKE, the anti-fascist and progressive organizations, the revolutionary syndicates and many hundreds of anti-fascist and communist intellectuals from all over the world, defended the revolutionary Moscow Trials of the conspirators, murderers-terrorists, agents and spies of the fascist powers standing by the side of the Stalin’s socialist Soviet Union that was the homeland of all proletarians and the hope for the crushing of fascism.

At this point, let us mention the universally known names of the communist poet Bertolt Brecht and the anti-fascist philosopher Ernst Bloch. Both of them have been chastised by the reaction and all kinds of pseudo-leftists and pseudo-antifascists not only because they defended firmly the revolutionary Moscow Trials but mainly because they never changed their correct antifascist attitude regarding it as the right one also in the post-war years. The attitude of the two German intellectuals represented the attitude of the overwhelming majority of many hundred anti-fascist intellectuals of that critical period, an attitude vindicated by the great historic event of the 20th century: the great peoples’ Anti-fascist Victory on May 1945.

Among the various reactionaries and anti-Stalinists that criticize the two German intellectuals are the revisionists Michael Lowey and Robert Sayre who express their grief because Ernst Bloch “from all of his compromises with the Stalinist version of communism, the worst was, undoubtedly, his attitude towards the Moscow trials”, and that he declared “his faith in the USSR and in its “revolutionary tribunals”. They claim that his article “Jubiläum der Renegaten” would be a dark spot in his political activity” (Michael Lowey and Robert Sayre: “Révolte et mélancolie”). Apparently, in order to remove this alleged “dark spot”, Bloch had to collaborate with Hitler like the counter-revolutionary and traitor of his country, Leon Trotsky. The provocative embellishment of the feudal views of the ultra-reactionary German Romanticism is indicative of the anti-Marxist views of this book.

The great communist poet Bertolt Brecht in an interesting article with the title “For the trials” (1936-1937), expresses himself, from the beginning in the most clear cut way: “concerning the trials: it would be totally erroneous to take a position against the soviet government that conducts them. Because, such a position, by itself, would be very soon transformed to opposition against the Russian proletariat threatened with war by the world’s fascism, opposition against socialism that this proletariat builds. According to the opinion of the most fanatical enemies of the USSR and the soviet government these trials clearly showed the existence of active conspiracies against the regime, demonstrated that the conspirators’ nests had proceeded not only to wrecking activities inside the country but also to negotiations with fascist diplomats regarding their governments’ attitude to a potential governmental change in USSR”. And elsewhere: “The trials is an act of preparation for the war …Initially, Trotsky saw the crushing of the workers state by means of war as a danger – but later it was precisely this possibility that became the prerequisite of his practical activity. Let’s see how: the war breaks out, the superstructure in defense is crushed, the apparatus is alienated from the masses, USSR is forced to concede Ukraine, Eastern Siberia etc, in the interior is forced again to concessions, the return of the capitalist forms, the strengthening of the kulaks (or to tolerate such a strengthening) – yet all these are, at the same time, the conditions of the new era, the return of Trotsky” (Bertolt Brecht: “For philosophy and Marxism”, p. 71 and p. 75, Athens 1977).

The philosopher Ernst Bloch, besides his main activity in philosophy, he used to comment often the political current affairs of that gloomy period; he wrote four articles on the question of Trials: “Kritik einer Prozesskritik” (March 1937), “Jubiläum der Renegaten” (1937), “Feuchtwangers “Moskau 1937” (July 1937), “Bucharin Slusswort” (May 1938).

Talking about the Trials, he correctly lays emphasis on the distinction between a revolutionary and a west-European class court because they have completely different class content; he sees “the hate of the Trotskyites against Stalin”, which becomes an ally of fascism only after Hitler’s rise to power and the united “action of Nazi monster, the Japanese grabbing state and the Trotskyite hate” comprising a unified force that should not be underestimated at all; he underlines that the “final result of the Trotskyite action would not be, of course, the world revolution…but the introduction of capitalism in Russia” and“it can be plainly said: the result will be the entry of German fascism to Moscow. Russia would then become what Rathenau had dreamed: a vast eastern colony, a German India”. Somewhere else he writes that it would be “an unprecedented naiveté to doubt about Trotsky’s plans” and wonders “that it would be indeed incomprehensible if Gestapo and Trotskyism did not meet on the ground of the common hate” against the Soviet Union and Stalin (Ernst Bloch, “Kritik einer Prozesskritik“ in Vomm Hasard zum Katastrophe, Politische Aufsötze aus den Jahren 1934-1939, p. 177-179, Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1972).

In his article, Jubiläum der Renegaten, Bloch formulates in the most plain terms the nature of the confrontation and the historical dilemma of that time: FASCISM or SOVIET UNION, HITLER or STALIN pointing, at the same time, to the alternative course of action in the most critical moment of that period: “Monopoly capitalism does not give rise to vacillations, the choice between this and the socialist cause of the people is easy. One could say, today, that the notion according to which the anti-Bolshevik slogans serve the devil is the most evident. An unreasonably inflated criticism of the motherland of the revolution, as even Klopstock and Schiller would be able to believe, does not promote at all the ideal of revolution which is only served by Popular Front. And this does not necessarily demand an absolute devotion to Russia but only the simplest and, one would say, easily accepted: without Russia, there can be no Antifascist Struggle and no Victory” (E. Bloch “Jubiläum der Renegaten” in Politische Messungen, Pestzeit, Vormörtz, p. 233, Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1970).

What Hitler and his collaborators, the spies of the treacherous Trotskyite-Bukharinite Bloc, did not accomplish – the destruction of the Stalin’s socialist Soviet Union – was unfortunately accomplished by the international reaction in the beginning of the 1950’s, after the death-murder of Stalin through the treacherous clique of Khrushchev-Brezhnev that played the leading role in the overthrow of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat in the Soviet Union, the elimination of socialism, the restoration of capitalism and its break up in the time of Gorbachev.

In conclusion, let’s give as an answer, to all those who distort the historical truth, regarding the revolutionary trials, to all kinds of anti-Stalinist slanderers, what the Foreign Affairs Commissar of the USSR Maxim Litvinov told the American ambassador Joseph E. Davies when the latter pointed out that the “purges were bad to the outside reputation of USSR” and “had shaken the confidence of France of England in the strength of USSR vis-à-vis Hitler”; an answer fully confirmed by the course of historic events: “they had to make sure through these purges that there was no treason left which could co-operate with Berlin or Tokyo; that someday the world would understand that what they had done was to protect their government from a menacing treason. In fact, he said that they were doing a while world a service in protecting themselves against the menace of Hitler and Nazi domination, and thereby preserving the Soviet Union strong as bulwark against the Nazi threat. That the world someday would appreciate what a very great man Stalin was” (Joseph E. Davies: “Mission to Moscow”, London 1945, p. 115).

January 2009

The Political Committee of the “Movement for the Reorganisation of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-55