June 30, 2010

The Right is Not Left

            Abstract
            What follows is an introduction to the topic of right-wing populists and other extreme reactionaries such as racialists and neo-Nazis in regards to their relation to the American left, and more specifically the growing trend for such groups and individuals to associate with and even infiltrate the organizations and coalitions of the left. It offers explanations as to the motives of such individuals, what risks they pose, how to identify them, and how to secure against infiltration by such individuals or groups.
            It is my fervent hope that with the foundation of the American Party of Labor, anti-revisionist Marxism-Leninism will once again constitute a force within the American left. If Marxism-Leninism is to make a significant impact in American politics, it will undoubtedly need to distinguish itself above and beyond the other strains of “leftists” in American society, not only in theory but in practice. The latter means observing and analyzing the activities, successes and failures of the American left in the past decade, if not its entire existence since the decline of American communism, with the aim of not only criticizing the actions of the larger “left” but also avoiding some of the same pitfalls into which progressive activists have fallen time and time again. Naturally, criticism of that particular animal known as the American left could easily serve as a topic for a long series of articles, if not several books. This article focuses on an issue that is largely ignored by far too many “progressives,” and though it has existed for decades there have been very few attempts to analyze it in depth, and mainstream awareness of the trend, despite obvious evidence, is woefully inadequate. In the general sense, the issue is that of fringe right-wingers infiltrating, attracting and co-opting leftists, usually through joining or constructing populist-style coalitions. More specifically, I will deal with the manner in which, due to recent political developments, some far-rightists may attempt to liaise with, if not possibly interact with, Marxist-Leninist organizations.

            From my point of view, and as I will explain later, the latter possibility is thankfully rare. However, in the case of the former, right-wing participation in large activities such as anti-war protests and coalitions will undoubtedly bring M-L adherents into contact with a great deal of individuals of ambiguous political lineage. Being able to reliably, and readily identify the political ideals and motives of such individuals, and if necessary, to engage with them or denounce them, can only serve to help Marxist-Leninists distinguish themselves from mainstream leftists or those radicals who are either unaware of or unconcerned about the fascists or rightists under their noses.
            To those not intimately familiar with the far-right, the idea that rightists would actively seek out and attempt to recruit leftists or join them in activism often sounds preposterous. I would chalk that reaction up to the sad fact that in the United States, people rarely engage their political/ideological opponents in vigorous discussion. Put simply, their view of what the “other side” believes or how it acts is based largely on stereotypes concocted by their own side. It is taken for granted that the other side must inherently take the opposing view in most if not all major issues; rarely to people consider that someone may fervently defend their side of an issue for a completely different, possibly sinister motive. Far-rightists, even fascists, have attempted to make inroads to working with the left for decades, going back to the beginning of the 20th century. As for fascists trying to portray themselves as leftists, this is something far rarer, and more recent, but it still helps to understand the far-reaching roots of this phenomenon. As far as an in-depth history of right wing populism and its attempts to reach out to progressives, I highly recommend the material produced by Public Eye (http://publiceye.org), particularly Chip Berlet’s article “Right woos Left.” My article is dedicated primarily to that which Marxist-Leninists should know about this trend, and how they can defend themselves against it, and as such it cannot substitute with such an in-depth analysis as is presented by Berlet.

Rightist Recruitment & Infiltration
            Put in simplistic terms, fringe rightists have the best chance of interacting with leftists when major populist issues rise to the forefront of politics. The recent bailout of American corporations serves as a fine example of a major populist issue. Masses of progressive and conservative Americans were outraged about the bailout, but if one were to ask individuals on both sides about their motives for their opposition, the answers would be divergent. Progressives opposed what they rightfully saw as “corporate welfare,” whereas conservatives, displaying the kind of political illiteracy that is the magnum opus of what, for lack of a better term, may be referred to as the “right-wing noise machine,” saw the bailout as a sign of “socialism” and opposed it on those grounds. For the past few years, the major issues in the news, namely the economic crisis and the two losing wars, one of which may overflow into Pakistan, are all populist issues. Outrage tends to blind people as to the motives and real identity of the people shouting next to them, and there is much fertile ground for far-rightists to plant their weeds amongst the left. In the most recent past, far-rightists, including neo-Nazis, have been spotted participating in anti-globalization rallies as well as pro-Palestinian and anti-war demonstrations. Monitoring various political and economic trends in recent years, as well as the neo-Nazi and far right movement in particular, it is likely that this kind of activity will increase in the future, and as Marxist-Leninists take to the streets for activism, they must have a clear understanding of how these individuals work.
            Why do Fascists and Neo-Nazis attempt to interact with the left, or attempt to portray themselves as leftists? Individuals and groups within any political movement tend to have different motives and views. As such, answering this question is no easy task. What is certain is that the American racialist or “White Nationalist” movement, a community to which neo-Nazis and fascists are always connected in some way, is a small, insular community. Sadly, racism and other views associated with that movement are still extremely common in America, but if we are speaking about ideology, that is racism, sexism, etc., as a personal ideology or “worldview,” the amount of individuals harboring such views is likely to remain extremely low. One of the biggest imperatives in the movement is recruitment; racialists are keenly aware of their small numbers, and even organizations that stressed “quality over quantity,” such as the now-defunct National Alliance, were and still are aggressive in recruiting. As most leftists would undoubtedly guess, a large percentage of recruits for the neo-Nazi movement come from conservatives, particularly semi-radicalized types. It is no surprise at all that gun shows serve as a popular recruiting site for neo-Nazi organizations. Rallies for conservative issues are also popular venues for recruitment; none of this should raise any eyebrow whatsoever.

What the reader should be aware of, however, is that there have always been, and still are, elements among the racialist movement that are or otherwise get burnt out with recruits from such venues, and or may find themselves repulsed or in ideological opposition to the motives of conservative recruits. What are some reasons for this?

For one thing, American conservatives tend to be Christians, usually Protestants. Hardcore conservatives, the type that might be inclined to listen to neo-Nazi rhetoric on some issues, tend to be fundamentalists. By extension, American Christian fundamentalists tend to be radically pro-Israel; the ideological conflict makes neo-Nazi cooperation with such individuals a non-starter. There is however, a deeper reason why Christians and modern neo-Nazis tend not to go together so well anymore. Specifically, in the past three decades a neo-Pagan, anti-Christian worldview has taken hold within the neo-Nazi movement. It has gained popularity amongst the most ideologically “pure” neo-Nazis and White Nationalists, that is to say those most inclined to identify themselves as followers of a specific, independent ideology not in any way connected to mainstream conservatism. The philosophy of such individuals is opposed to Christianity on a number of fundamental issues, philosophical and moral, and as such they are loathe to recruit traditional “Bible-thumpers” into their movement and organizations.

Other reasons have been given by ideological racists as to why they are not conservative, and by extension why they have little desire to recruit from or be associated with them. Conservatives, they say, are cowards. They have failed to conserve anything in the past fifty years. They assert that the conservative of today would be a radical liberal of yesterday, and so on. Conservatives cannot understand the “real” problem because they are either unaware, or refuse to acknowledge race as the prominent determining factor in politics, and or they are afraid to “name the Jew,” that is to single out Jews as the cause of America and the world’s problems.

Despite all this invective against mainstream conservatives, neo-Nazis and their organizations have still continued to recruit and liaise mostly with conservatives, including radical Christian fundamentalists. However, the presence of zealous ideological National Socialists and fascists within the movement cannot be ignored; in fact for Marxist-Leninists, it is precisely that group which they should focus on. The Klansmen, rednecks and conspiracy theorists are the dregs of the movement which from a practical standpoint can be lumped in with the mass of reactionaries. For all practical purposes, they are just another bloc of reliable Republican voters. The National Socialists however, have ties to more successful right-wing movements in Europe, and espouse a newer ideology that is far more difficult to spot. Many of their ideas are the products of European authors who are totally unknown to Americans on both the left and right, and as such they lack a set of “warning signs” as to their real motives or ideology. It is they who have a motive and interest in working with the left, and it is they who will attempt to infiltrate and either deliberately or unknowingly discredit it. To prevent this from happening, we must understand their ideology, and the ways in which they attempt to either interact with the left, or in extreme cases portray themselves as leftists.

 

Neo-Nazism Portrayed as “Right” & “Left”
            As previously alluded to, a major motivation for reaching out to the left among ideological National Socialists and Fascists is to find a recruiting pool of individuals who don’t have the typical taboos and prejudices of the mainstream conservatives. Their movement, because of its conservative ties and ideals, is understandably full of middle-aged and elderly individuals; recruiting from leftists is a way to get youth into the movement and thus change its image as a bunch of old, paranoid white men. National Socialism is historically a petty-bourgeois movement which was known for portraying itself as a protector of the working class. Naturally this makes recruitment from the left, along with adopting pseudo-left slogans, symbols and fashions a must.
            For the most part, these groups and individuals usually do not attempt to label themselves as “left.” The roots of many of these groups, such as the now infamous “National Anarchists,” are to be found in a conglomerate of ideas which are associated with the name Third Positionism. Third Positionism is, as its name suggests, presented as a “Third Position” between capitalism and communism, right and left. National Anarchism is largely the brainchild of Troy Southgate of the UK, who incidentally was for a time a major player in the International Third Positionist movement. Yet it is obvious that if one claims to be against both capitalism and communism, one can choose to represent oneself alternatively as simply an anti-communist or an anti-capitalist. Identification as only one or the other leads to different results depending on one’s company; a fact that National Anarchists and “left-wing” nationalists of all shades will undoubtedly count on.
            While it is far rarer, there was at least an attempt on the part of a handful of National Socialists at one time or another to portray their movement as actually being “left-wing.” This is based on the rationale that if “left” means revolutionary, and National Socialism (as opposed to traditional conservatism) is revolutionary, it must therefore be a left-wing ideology. We see this idea expressed openly in the form of National Socialism preseted in “The Left-Wing Movement,” a pamphlet by H. Povl Riis-Knudsen of Denmark. Ironically, Riis-Knudsen eventually fell out of favor with his own circle of National Socialists after marrying a Palestinian woman, leading one to wonder whether he had a few more left-wing ideas than the paltry few he revealed in his pamphlet. What is clear, however, is that the two significant writings of Riis-Knudsen which made it to the West—the aforementioned pamphlet and another work named “National Socialism: The Biological Worldview,” which are radically different than any other kind of neo-Nazi literature. To be sure, neo-Nazis and racialists have often created propaganda aimed at watering down their hatred toward various groups, and so we must take Riis-Knudsen’s National Socialist whitewash with a shaker of salt. That being said, they represent a clear attempt by neo-Nazis to bridge the gap between them and the left by adopting the title “left” itself. Lest there be any doubt, consider this passage that begins Riis-Knudsen’s “National Socialism: The Left-Wing Movement”:


            “For far too many years it has been widely accepted that National Socialists are extreme
right- wingers, and only rarely have they hesitated to refer to themselves as such. At a
certain point, however, it became the official policy of the World Union of National
Socialists to avoid the term "right-wing," claiming that National Socialism does not fit
into the pattern of "right" and "left" and instead ought to be considered as standing above
this distinction. This most certainly was a step in the right direction, but at this time and
within the context of the current struggle it might, however, be a good idea to reconsider
the whole question about political wings and make a few points clear concerning the
meaning of the terms "right" and "left" and their application to today's political scene.”


            Note in the above passage how the author directly calls out the previous strategy used by his comrades, the practice of attempting to define National Socialism as something “beyond left and right” or neither/nor. The author wastes no time in his attempt to reclassify National Socialism:

            “Where National Socialists are to be found in this spectrum seems quite clear: We are
leftwingers—no doubt about it! We do not want to preserve the present system or any
part thereof. We do not believe in the foundations of a system that has led our people into
the misery of the present time! We do not want to support any institution which is
responsible for two world wars between White nations as well as countless minor wars;
nuclear rearmament; the pollution of the environment; unemployment; the total
disillusionment of young people, who have lost all faith in the future; drug abuse;
pornography; and all the other forms of complete degeneracy which are displayed today.
We National Socialists want the most radical change of all: we want the complete
overthrow of the entire Old Order!”

            Rather than quote just the first sentence, which serves as the author’s declaration, I included the rest of the paragraph, just to show that the racist element of his ideology was, at least at that time, not only intact, but still the driving force behind his worldview. Though he has long since disappeared from the international scene, there is at least a shred of evidence that he never abandoned such beliefs; when confronted over his marriage to a Palestinian woman, he defended himself by claiming she was a “white Arab.” Then again, with all the anecdotal and statistical evidence of racism and discrimination amongst supposedly “progressive” Americans, the idea of left-wing Nazis isn’t so far fetched after all.

            Ideological Basis: What is Fascism?
            To understand how fascists and neo-Nazis might come to identify with the left and attempt to infiltrate it, one must have a clear, in-depth understanding of what fascism and National Socialism are. Marxist-Leninist answers such as “openly terrorist dictatorship caused by capitalism in crisis” do not provide an in-depth understanding of all the details bound up in modern fascism. The primary reason for this is that the traditional definitions of fascism were devised in the actual time of fascism and National Socialism, and based on the analysis of the conditions in which they developed and ruled. Since the end of WWII, the rise of globalization has led to a situation in which adherents of historical National Socialism and fascism have outlived their usefulness to the bourgeoisie states in most cases. Radical nationalism and traditionalism associated with historical fascism runs counter to the needs of the ruling class in most industrialized nations, particularly in North America and Western Europe. For the adherents themselves, they look at their society and see very little left to preserve; many have most likely concluded that instead of working to preserve the status quo, they will have to instead fight against it, hence their aspiration for some kind of revolution.
            Another important historical aspect to consider when regarding fascism, and especially National Socialism, is that on paper they are “anti-capitalist.” It is always important to understand these movements in terms of theory and practice, because what the Nazis said was often 180 degrees the opposite of what actually happened. Fascism and a great deal of right-wing populist ideas were indeed anti-capitalist on paper, not because they were progressive but rather because they espoused beliefs which were heavily influenced by an idyllic form of feudalism. We can see this very clearly in the Nazi party, which in an ideological sense despised the very existence of the proletariat and industry, both seen as necessary evils. According to Nazi propaganda, cities were dirty, soulless, corrupting places where people lost touch with their roots. Nazi racial propaganda often justified itself via comparison with animal husbandry; farmers knew the importance of breeding in horses, cows, and other animals—things that city folk were and still are completely unaware of for obvious reasons. German National Socialism idealized the German middle-class peasant, juxtaposed with the urban Jew. The German proletariat, no longer tilling the soil and for years having been “uprooted” from the land, was supposedly easy pickings for the Jews in the cosmopolitan cities.

More importantly, fascists generally believed (and their descendants still do) in the existence of some kind of mythical “tame capitalism,” a capitalism restrained and harnessed for the “good of the nation.” This is what is generally meant by the “Third Position,” a mythical middle road between globalizing capitalism (which is in fact a natural part of capitalism as a whole), and Marxist internationalist socialism. The problem is that the society they long for never existed, and cannot exist by virtue of the capitalist system's very nature. When we take into account Nazi ideology on paper along with what they actually did as they rose to power and after, we get a clearer picture of precisely how reactionary the Nazis were.

They were, like many other fascist movements, reactionary in the practical sense that they came to a settlement with the local bourgeoisie so as to suppress the working class movement. Ideologically however, they were even more reactionary, resenting the capitalist mode of production as well, with its inevitable march toward urbanization, cosmopolitanism, interdependence and so on. Why is that last fact so important? It is, simply because modern-day neo-Nazis and fascists of various strains tend to base their own ideology and understanding of their worldview on Nazi and fascist propaganda, as well as theory, as opposed to the real policies of the Third Reich or other fascist-dominated nations. That is to say, what their leaders left behind, plus what their contemporary and close contemporary admirers wrote about them is all the modern fascist has to go on when it comes to defining his ideology. If this is the case, then it becomes very easy to understand why such individuals would possibly feel that their loyalties lie more with the American left than the right. Moreover, the American left is largely disorganized, idealistic, and has long since been the target of right-wing populist propaganda for decades. The clever Nazi or fascist can easily blend right in just by knowing what to say to whom, and when.

            What are the Risks posed by “Left-Wing” Fascists?
            For the broader left, the risk can be hard to measure. What is clear is that the “right-wing noise machine” is always keen to try to find ammunition it can use against the left. For a concrete example, anti-Semites of all ethnicities and political stripes have historically attempted to use both the Palestinian struggle as well as the movement against the war in Iraq as a platform to stealthily insert their message. Every time this has happened, the mainstream right and pro-Zionists have been quick to spot such individuals and groups. True, radical pro-Zionists often attempt to classify nearly any criticism against Israel’s policies as anti-Semitism, but there is a certain “cry wolf” factor that is important to keep in mind here. If leftists diligently keep their ranks clear of anti-Semites, preventing them from hijacking a public forum, frivolous accusations of anti-Semitism will fall on deaf ears and make their accusers look comical and foolish. If they do indeed spot and expose real anti-Semitism, they will exploit each example to its fullest extent.

As long as there are major events connected with opposition to the wars in the Middle East, as well as Israel/Palestine, there will most likely be anti-Semites as well as neo-Nazis seeking to infiltrate and gain a venue for their own propaganda. Since these events tend to be open to the public and organized by either large organizations or more often coalitions of organizations, there is little that Marxist-Leninists can do other than to spot such people, expose and/or denounce them as necessary, and otherwise disassociate from them, as well as any groups or coalitions which brazenly ignore the problem after it has been brought to their attention. The Marxist-Leninist line is the best protection against being lumped in with such people; amongst a mass of people holding various loosely-related beliefs, the likelihood of guilt by association is high. By highlighting the diametric opposition between Marxist-Leninism and beliefs like anti-Semitism, Marxist-Leninists may assure the outside observer of their stance on such issues.
            In a more general sense, right-wing infiltration leads to confusion, embarrassment, conflict and drama. Right-wing ideology, regardless of its degree, tends to be inherently conspiracy-based. It is thus often inherently irrational, and the last thing the American left needs to do is become more irrational. Nothing tarnishes an event, a coalition or a cause like the discovery of Nazis in the woodpile. Lucky for us, neo-Nazis still tend to come out to bat for the right-wing causes, like anti-immigration rallies or more recently the freak shows known as Tea Parties. As long as Obama is in office, right-wing siege mentality should keep such radicals on their side of the political spectrum. Still, vigilance should be maintained.
            Risks of infiltration of Marxist-Leninist organizations or parties are extremely low, but they are not wholly inconceivable. This author has personally encountered at least two individuals who openly espoused a strange concoction of racist and or National Socialist beliefs mixed with their own interpretation of “Stalinist” or anti-revisionist Marxism. One such individual had been a veteran communist activist, and unlike more right-leaning neo-Nazis, fascists or National Anarchists, would easily be able to stomach working within a communist organization despite the presence of individuals whom they abhor, e.g. Jews, “non-whites,” gays and lesbians, etc. Obviously these individuals are rare, but their presence could create great drama within a local movement, and there are larger risks. For example, such an individual may “talk the talk” when in the presence of real Marxist-Leninists, but the latter might never suspect that the same individual is espousing radically anti-Marxist ideas on forums, blogs, personal websites and so on. Later on, this could come back to embarrass activists in the party. Alternatively, such individuals may see nothing wrong with dividing their time amongst leftists and party members on one hand, and neo-Nazi organizations and skinheads on the other. The security risk is obvious.
            Such people as the aforementioned are thankfully rare, and will most likely remain so. Neo-Nazis and fascists may feel secure about moving toward the left, but Marxism is for most of them the ultimate heresy—the Jewish hydrogen bomb which has allegedly devastated their beloved “race”, paving the way for its ultimate downfall. Still, it doesn’t hurt to understand a few things that may motivate some individual neo-Nazis or fellow travelers to “suck it up” and hang with the Marxists, and in this case anti-revisionist Marxist-Leninists are the most at risk due to their position on Stalin. Since the end of the Cold War, the intelligentsia of the liberal democratic states has been working overtime to portray Stalin as an equivalent to Hitler if not worse. “Telephone number” body counts, flying in the face of uncovered archival documentation and demographics, are no longer enough.

Stalin must be portrayed as a racist, a supporter of Russian nationalism, an imperialist, and an anti-Semite who was just about to unleash another Holocaust. It is easy to see how modern neo-Nazis and fascists, taking this kind of propaganda at face value, may find some kind of common ground between their beliefs and the caricature of Stalin painted by the hacks. The Third Reich or whatever their favorite fascist state is may serve as their ideal society, but if they feel forced to choose between a right-wing caricature of Stalin and modern liberal democracy, they would have ample reason to choose the former, if only because the most intelligent among them understand that “Stalinism” has little to nothing to do with the modern-day policies which they detest. Lastly, in their movement there is a strong belief in the idea that one gets the most flak when over the target; consequently, as the drive on the part of the bourgeois intelligentsia and liberal democratic powers to equate Nazism and Communism increases to even more idiotic heights in the future, more and more pseudo-leftist fascists and Nazis may be tempted to flirt with the red devil. While we cannot afford to let paranoid fears get the better of us, we cannot afford to ignore this possibility.

            How to Spot Right-Wing Infiltrators
            Would that all fascists would wear their robes, patches and armbands or just show up laced and braced at every rally, meeting, lecture or what-have-you. Sadly, that won’t be the case. For one thing, the sort that will attempt to infiltrate will most likely be the most intelligent among their movement, and such individuals are consciously aware of the fact that they are in the act of infiltration of an otherwise hostile group, be it a particular party or organization or simply a left-wing cause. Followers of right-wing populist movements may be easier to spot by their slogans, mannerisms and other behavioral traits, but the ideological fascist, neo-Nazi or National Anarchist is more likely to have a more conscious understanding of his worldview, is more informed and has a better knowledge of popular leftist issues and ideologies, and thus is aware that he must tailor his words and actions to fit the audience. In this case it helps to know what they will speak about and what they won’t speak about, as well as some general signs to look out for as well as behaviors and practices to be discouraged so as to deny such individuals the opportunity to blend in.
            First off, there are some basic warning signs that every Marxist activist should know. One can obtain more detailed information from internet resources such as the previously mentioned Public Eye (http://www.publiceye.org).

            — Look out for phrases like “the international bankers,” the “financiers” and similar terms. They are more likely to be uttered by right-wing populist types, who will probably make themselves obvious within a few minutes of conversation. Historically these terms have been euphemisms for Jews and as such they are excellent tip-offs. Over the years, such terms have become so popular that they lost the anti-Semitic connotation; that is to say that various groups and individuals came to focus on the perceived cabal of “international bankers” without realizing that it was basically a type of code word in the past. Either way, its conspiratorial worldview and is inherently anti-Marxist.

            — The sort of fascist or National Socialist that is looking to work with if not infiltrate the left is most likely not very popular within the White Nationalist movement; he will undoubtedly have built up a lot of bad blood online and quite possibly among his local scene. As such, he will not be easy to spot, but such individuals rarely wish to totally abandon the movement altogether. As such, there are certain ideological lines they are unlikely to cross. Thus there are some things they will speak passionately about; because they are “safe” in the sense that if he is exposed to the movement, he won’t become a total outcast. He may sincerely believe in these ideas, but this is inconsequential.

What to look for is essentially a comparison between what he speaks about and how, and what he doesn’t speak about. The deadly sins of his movement are homosexuality, feminism and racism. In other words, he is unlikely to speak much, if at all, about gay rights, women’s’ rights, or discrimination or racial injustice of any kind. If they do, they are unlikely to come forth with any strong opinions on matters like this. If word gets out that Johnny Left-Wing Nazi was at a leftist gathering defending same-sex marriage while flanked by two lesbian feminists, his reputation in the movement is done, a smoking crater.

            — The issue that is most friendly for pseudo-leftists of the right is without a doubt the environment. National Socialists past and present have presented their ideology as a worldview in tune with “nature’s laws.” This naturalistic tinge of National Socialism, in the words of Povl Riis-Knudsen as well as the late National Socialist philosopher Savitri Devi, was tantamount to a new religion of sorts. What this all boils down to is, not only is the environment a safe issue for neo-Nazis or those inspired by their philosophy, but it is also an issue that they can passionately support as it is in line with their ideological worldview. Take a look at yet another excerpt from Povl Riis-Knudsen’s “Left-Wing Movement”:

            “Thus, we do not share the right-wing belief in continuous technological and economical
expansion, which has already led to the pollution of air and water and has made huge
areas of the world unfit to live in for all species—a development which means that the
ozone layer in the atmosphere is systematically destroyed so that coming generations are
going to be exposed to life-threatening radiation, that tropical forests which had supplied
us with oxygen, are cut down to make room for industrial growth, and that the deserts are
irrigated so that the ground water level sinks in fertile areas, which then become deserts
in turn. All this is the result of Aryan genius, without which it would not have existed—
genius which has not been put to work to build a better world for our children and
grandchildren, but only to satisfy the human greed of the moment, to secure a pleasant
life now without regard for the future.”

            Be honest now, if you didn’t see the line about “Aryan genius,” couldn’t this whole paragraph easily have come from the pen of some real progressive activist, perhaps some kind of libertarian with a green conscious? Believe me, they will probably know what they need to omit face-to-face. Do not be so quick to assume, however, that neo-Nazis or like travelers might not have some unexpected points of agreement with leftists. For one thing, there are those who simply don’t care what their standing is within their international movement; or perhaps most likely, their interest is in the European movement, such as the European New Right, which has very different if not often diametrically opposing views compared to the American far-right.
            In summing up the above points, the Marxist-Leninist activist has no excuse not to understand the basic fact that common parts do not make a common whole. American politics, perhaps due to the two-party duopoly, is rife with stereotypes about who supports what. With so many major populist issues in the news, and with no doubt more on the horizon, lines will most likely blur. Far-rightists have already been using this to their advantage and they will continue to do so.

            — Keep in mind that the majority of fascists in leftist clothing are most likely not going to be interested in joining, working with, or associating with a Communist Party of any kind. As such, they may voice very strong anti-communist views. Keep an ear open for anti-communist tirades and quotes that don’t sound like the usual ultra-leftist or bourgeois liberal rhetoric. Anarchists, Trots, and radical liberals should at least have a basic grasp of the tenets of Marxism, whereas far-rightists will have none.

            — They will most likely be against organized religion, but specifically Christianity. Neo-Paganism is popular amongst the new fascist pseudo-left. Christianity and monotheism will be a main target of criticism, though individuals may vary on how they regard Islam.

            — Pay attention to the authors that the individuals mention. The inspiration for pseudo-left fascism tends to come from the work of European New Right authors such as Guillaume Faye, Alain De Benoit and Tomislav Sunic. Troy Southgate is the intellectual powerhouse behind National Anarchism.

            — They will dress-up anti-immigrant racism as a labor issue. True, it is a labor issue, but the solutions such individuals suggest will be most likely no different than those suggested by anti-immigrant groups on the right.

            What Can Be Done?
            Regarding what Party members and cadres can do to protect the Party’s integrity and image, there are several major steps this author suggests.
            Education: cadres and Party members should be aware of the political climate, and the political territory of their division’s region. They should have done research on organizations and coalitions in their area. Research must not be limited to observation of groups and or events but also the history of the area. Check local news stories for right-wing activities in the past. The Southern Poverty Law Center holds a wealth of research material useful for this very purpose. While they do often grossly overestimate the numbers of right-wing groups and their memberships, they keep track of right-wing incidents throughout the country, as well as names of individuals, groups, leaders, etc. Have someone regularly attend events and meetings of left-wing projects or coalitions, or if open to the public, organizations, and take note of people that seem not to fit in.
            Members, but especially cadres, should consider the study of opposing ideologies as secondary only to the mastering of Marxist-Leninist theory. This means studying the history of these ideas, on which this article expounded only to a small degree, and how they evolved. Know the history and ideological threads of opposing ideologies not only in their native countries but also in America. For example, “Hate: The Biography of George Lincoln Rockwell” is far more than just a biography of the founder of the American Nazi Party. It details his international activities and his role with the World Union of National Socialists, the very same outfit that Povl Riis-Knudsen was affiliated with. No study of American neo-Nazism could be complete without understanding the history of William Pierce and his National Alliance. Luckily, since the NA collapsed, some of the racialists decided to put his biography, “Fame of a Dead Man’s Deeds”, into .PDF format as a free download. The book was written by a sycophant who later ended up joining the National Alliance before it collapsed, but it gives a good look at the type of worldview the late Dr. Pierce was trying to peddle. As mind-numbing as they can often be, it helps to read some of the essays of Troy Southgate. I recommend looking for writings with a recent date, since his ideology seemed to change frequently throughout his career. Party cadres in areas which might be at risk for this activity should go even further, studying the forum posts of the reactionaries with the goal of learning to distinguish between them. With enough experience, it is possible to look at a comments section or forum thread and pick out the racialists and neo-Nazis, even when they are among other posters who are expressing racist ideas. In short, know your enemy.

            Lastly, while I would hope anti-revisionist Marxist-Leninists would see this as a given, nothing can substitute for a rigorous ideological training regime in Marxist-Leninist theory, as well as comparative analysis with other ideologies on both ends of the political spectrum. The more a member or candidate member can demonstrate knowledge and understanding of Marxism-Leninism, the less susceptible they are to being co-opted, and the less likely it is that they are an enemy of any political stripe. Likewise, while there are obviously certain viewpoints which Marxist-Leninists cannot tolerate amongst cadres or members, there are a variety of differing, occasionally conflicting personal beliefs among members and cadres. It is important that each member realize the importance of consciously separating personal beliefs from the Party line. It is also important to preserve a situation where members feel some opportunity to freely express certain personal beliefs. If someone is leaning toward an unacceptable view, it is best dragged out into the open and discussed or debated.

            Share information and take action: if credible, verifiable evidence is found of infiltration, do not withhold information from other groups due to ideological differences. If an activist knows that a local anarchist cell has been infiltrated by National Anarchists, he or she should blow the whistle. There may be a lot of problems with the prevailing ideas in the American left, but we can be sure that no serious progress will be made until the right is swept out the door. In this same spirit, be proactive by alerting other leftist activists to this issue. Be sure to present the information in realistic terms so as not to come off as paranoid. Far-right wing meddling in left-wing activism is not often talked about, or at least not addressed nearly as often as it should, but it is not new nor rare. It constitutes a historical trend dating back at least a century if not even further, and the major issues of the day make it all the more relevant at this time.
            Though it happens so rarely that it is difficult to make concrete suggestions, there may very well be occasions when an individual who has infiltrated the leftist movement, upon being exposed in a tactful way, might be turned. Realistically, it is more likely that the best one can hope for is to at least get them completely out of the racialist movement. This is not only helping the left as a whole, it is actually helping that individual. Of course, such an individual should be monitored as to what they actually do once they reject their former worldview. In cases like these I recommend that only cadres with the most extensive knowledge on reactionary ideology even attempt such a “conversion.”

            Suppress Conspiracism: I realize that I may be accused of inventing a word here, but for the purposes of this article let us just define conspiracism as the tendency toward belief in and affinity for conspiracy theories. This point might seem a bit out of place due to its specificity, but it is a simple measure to deny right-wing populism the soil it needs to grow. Marxism-Leninism we are told, is a science. The scientific method operates by a set of logical rules. In short there are two words one needs to know: critical thinking. Right-wing beliefs of all degrees tend to be inherently conspiratorial. The radical rightist may believe in a worldwide Jewish conspiracy that controls virtually every major news event, but is this far removed from the more mainstream, respectable conservative who believes that the smashing success of democracy in Iraq was totally covered up by the “liberal media?”

The 20th of July saw Lou Dobbs on CNN brazenly touting the conspiracy theory that Barack Obama is not really an American citizen. The only difference in this case between the mainstream right and the fringes is the extent of their conspiracy theories. The common thread that conspiracy theories have, what makes them so useful for the right, is that they present scapegoats for the people to blame when unpleasant things happen. Marxism-Leninism doesn’t revolve around scapegoats and shadowy, unseen rulers. It is based on analysis, and our oppressors are out in the open. Their position in the world is largely due to objective factors outside the control of any person or group of people.
            The left has its share of conspiracy theories as well, and we need to root them out and come up with logical explanations. In a more practical sense, we need to look out for populist conspiracies, probably one of the biggest in recent years being the ironically named “9/11 Truth Movement.” Members of this movement tend to be extremely rabid and become extremely aggressive toward anyone who questions their theories, and as such rejecting these people and associations with them is not going to make a lot of friends for the Party, but we will be much better off for it. For one thing, while they will repeat the same arguments, often word for word, most conspiracy theories including this one have interchangeable scapegoats. That means that while one guy tells you that the culprit is Bush/Cheney, another guy preaching the same theory may blame it on the international Jewish cabal. The right of membership in their social club is belief in the conspiracy, not political alignment. Why else would their movement have adherents on both ends of the political spectrum, with individuals who possibly couldn’t be put in the same room together were it not for one common belief?
            Another reason to expose and eradicate conspiracism within the ranks and keep it well over arm’s length from Party divisions is that usually when one believes in one conspiracy theory, you can be the individual has a few more up his or her sleeve. That’s why we cannot tolerate conspiracism. For one thing, we may find out down the road that they have a whole host of wacky theories, which might come out at a very inconvenient time, such as making a statement to the media. Another reason is that conspiracy theorists, as they tend to be gullible, are susceptible to slick presentations of conspiracies. That means that right-wing infiltrators might be able to switch the target of one’s paranoia from the Illuminati to the International Jew, and often times it will be impossible to spot this change. Most of all, though it may seem redundant to add, conspiracy theories are inherently incompatible with Marxism-Leninism. Just as much as religion, perhaps even more so. They defy both the scientific method and historiography. I highly urge the reader to heed this warning. If you want to keep reactionaries out of the left, and far from the Party, push critical thinking and debunk and suppress the spread of conspiracy theories. Conspiracism is the soil of radical reactionary thought.

            Conclusion
            Hopefully this article, as intended, has served as a useful introduction and primer to the reader on right-wing infiltration of the left from a Marxist-Leninist. I urge the reader to visit the resources I have recommended within the text so as to get a more detailed, historical perspective on the matter. For a Marxist-Leninist party seeking to establish itself as a vanguard for the American working class, it is essential that Marxism-Leninism make a fresh new start in leftist politics. Dedication and perseverance along with the worsening crisis of capitalism and the American empire will hopefully see Marxism-Leninism, specifically as practiced by the American Party of Labor, rise to the forefront of leftist politics as the traditional American left reveals itself to be wholly incapable of providing a better future for the American worker. It is clear however, that the first step in this task will be purging the left of right-wing populism, fascism, neo-Nazism, and all the weeds which threaten to strangle the revolution.

The Experience of Nepal Summed Up

             “In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the single sentence: Abolition of private property.” –“The Communist Manifesto.”

            “We do not believe that private property should be abolished.” –Prachanda, Interview with BBC on 09/03/2008.

            Introduction
Perhaps you’ve heard the various communist parties claim that there has been a revolution in Nepal, and that the 21st century has finally seen its first socialist revolution. The sad reality is that the red flag is not flying in Nepal, and never was. What is happening is the reformation of bourgeois democracy and the disarming of the Maoist guerillas in order to construct a regime that cuddles up to imperialism. The revisionism coming out of Nepal has its fans, particularly charlatans on the American left and the international scene who have been working overtime to apologize for Prachanda and the reformist wing of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), otherwise known as the UCPN(M), as well as castigate any anti-revisionist who dares expose what’s really going on. The so-called “anti-dogmatists” are not worth refuting, and their arguments have little substance to criticize in the first place. This is not “dogma,” but science. The development in Nepal shows zero signs of heading toward socialism, let alone communism, and show many signs of capitalism, reformism and revisionism, which we shall examine at length below. There is no dictatorship of the proletariat and no socialism being built in Nepal, nor is it even anti-imperialist, having expressed their desire to have foreign private capital invade their country and become a pro-Chinese comprador neo-colony.
            The expulsion of the former monarchist regime in Nepal must be applauded. Since then, the leadership of Nepal has come out as not Marxist, but revisionist, and not for the revolution in Nepal but for the so-called peaceful transition to socialism. The Nepali coalition government led by the Maoists has since come under fire from the more hardline wing of their own party and the international Maoist movement, not to mention from Marxist-Leninists. The American Party of Labor shall seek to offer justification and evidence for its perception of the events unfolding in Nepal.
            A Brief History of the Situation in Nepal
From 1768 to 2008, the country of Nepal was ruled by an absolutist monarchy. Pushpa Kamal Dahal, more commonly known as Prachanda, led the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) or the CPN (M), into an armed struggle against the government in 1996. Fighting continued until 2005. The costs paid by the Nepalese people for this armed struggle against the reactionary monarchy were very great—about 13,000 Nepalese died in this conflict. In 2005, the Party signed permanent peace agreements with a bourgeois-democratic alliance of the mainstream Nepalese parties opposed to the monarchy of King Gyanendra. Massive popular uprisings in the country soon followed in 2006 and a lengthy general strike led to clashes between protestors and the monarchy’s police.
Finally, in 2008 the civil war came to a head when the monarchy capitulated. Since then, the country has been known as the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal and has been led by the Nepalese Constituent Assembly. The CPN (M) then led the coalition government. In January 2009 it changed its name to the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) or UCPN(M) after fusing with the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Centre-Masal). It now claims adherence to a hybrid ideology known as “Marxism-Leninism-Maoism-Prachanda Path.” On May 4th 2009, Prachanda resigned as Prime Minister in a fight with elected President Ram Baran Yadav about Prachanda’s desire to fire the reactionary head of Nepalese Army, Rookmangud Katawal. The UCPN(M) continues to be the leading party in the bourgeois-democratic coalition government. Since then, there have been splits between the Maoist faction and the Prachanda faction over whether to form a People’s Republic or maintain the parliamentary bourgeois democracy.
            Reformism & “Peaceful Paths to Socialism” in Nepal
            The Maoist theory of “New Democracy” has halted the class struggle in its tracks in Nepal and allowed private capital to continue unabated. The fans of the UCPN(M) have claimed this is merely a “stage” of the revolution there and that the coalition government stage is merely a small step before the final socialist revolution in launched. However, Maoist China itself was never able to transcend the bourgeois-democratic stage of the revolution and still had a capitalist class up until Mao’s death (it was a policy of the state that the old bourgeoisie still received a quarter of its old profits from factories, for example). Like China, the Nepalese Maoists are not interested in socialism or the final goal of expropriating the bourgeoisie, but rather they aim to establish “socialist-oriented capitalist relations,” which amounts to social democracy.
            The UCPN(M) is now dominated by rightist thinking that seeks a peaceful road to socialism in the name of the “creative application of Marxism adapted to Nepal’s conditions,” which is in practice a form of Eurocommunism, bourgeois pluralism and revisionism. As shown with the quote from the BBC interview that began this works, Prachanda supports private property instead of state property. As well, the UCPN(M) and the Prachanda leadership in particular does not support the revolutionary smashing of the capitalist state, but rather a “peaceful transition” to socialism. Referring to the efforts to build a People’s Republic, a term used for a socialist government, Prachanda said, “We [the party] will definitely attempt to establish a People’s Republic by institutionalizing [the] democratic republic and through the legitimate means like elections” (Mishra, BBC News interview). He continued on to say that his party had “concluded that socialism without multiparty competition and political freedoms cannot survive” (Mishra). The Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has clearly not learned anything from revisionism in the USSR and the fascist coup in Chile, nor from Marx and Lenin’s thesis on the state.
            The Nepalese party has also shown itself to support integration with the reactionary army of the former monarchy. Prachanda said publically in the same interview that, “[a]s long as everyone including the army, the police and the other officials remain committed to the people's mandate on democracy, peace and change, no one needs to feel insecure. There will be no prejudice against any” (Mishra) and that “I never showed such distrust [toward the army]. I never wanted to show any bit of distrust towards NA [Gyanendra’s former troops] or police or PLA or armed police” (Mishra). In his interview with the Hindu in 2006, Prachanda said, “we are telling the parliamentary parties that we are ready to have peaceful competition with you all” (Varadarajan). The fusing with social democrats and capitalist democracy on the part of the Nepalese Maoists has become a theory of peaceful competition with reactionary parties, otherwise known as “peaceful coexistence” with capitalism. According to Prachanda, the party will “go for the goal of the people's democracy through peaceful means. Today, we are talking of a democratic republic and our understanding with the parties is that the way to realise this is the constituent assembly” (Varadarajan). The Communist Party leadership even went so far as to say the ‘people’s war” they waged in Nepal for years was not directed against capitalism or imperialism, but rather merely to fight the remnants of feudalism on behalf of the bourgeoisie. “Three years ago we took a decision in which we said how are we going to develop democracy is the key question in the 21st century. This meant the negative and positive lessons of the 20th century have to be synthesised in order for us to move ahead. And three years ago we decided we must go in for political competition. Without political competition, a mechanical or metaphysical attitude will be there. So this time, what we decided is not so new. In August, we took serious decisions on how practically to build unity with the parliamentary political parties. We don't believe that the people's war we initiated was against, or mainly against, multiparty democracy. It was mainly against feudal autocracy, against the feudal structure” (Varadarajan). What is being built in Nepal is not socialism but a capitalist government led by “Marxists,” which according to Prachanda himself will be “under international supervision, either by the United Nations or some other international mediation acceptable to all” (Varadarajan).
            Despite the lies and distortions of Nepal’s sycophantic followers, the Communist Party has made it crystal clear from the beginning that bourgeois democracy, the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and the preservation of capitalism at the expense of proletarian dictatorship is their true agenda:
            “Varadarajan: Nowadays, we hear the phrase 'The Maoists will sit on the shoulders and hit on the head.' Does this mean your alliance with the parties is tactical rather than strategic, that when the head - the monarchy - is weakened or defeated, you might then start hitting the shoulder?
            Prachanda: It is not like this. Our decision on multiparty democracy is a strategically, theoretically developed position, that in a communist state, democracy is a necessity. This is one part. Second, our decision within the situation today is not tactical. It is a serious policy. [.…] Of course, people still have a doubt about us because we have an army. And they ask whether after the constitutional assembly we will abandon our arms. This is a question. We have said we are ready to reorganise our army and we are ready to make a new Nepal army also. So this is not a tactical question” (Varadarajan).
            Lenin said about such opportunism: “He who says that the workers must support the new government in the interests of the struggle against tsarist reaction (and apparently this is being said by the Potresovs, Gvozdyovs. Chkhenkelis and also, all evasiveness notwithstanding, by Chkheidze) is a traitor to the workers, a traitor to the cause of the proletariat, to the cause of peace and freedom. For actually, precisely this new government is already bound hand and foot by imperialist capital, by the imperialist policy. […] For the only guarantee of freedom and of the complete destruction of tsarism lies in arming the proletariat, in strengthening, extending and developing the role, significance and power of the Soviet of Workers’ Deputies. All the rest is mere phrase-mongering and lies, self-deception on the part of the politicians of the liberal and radical camp, fraudulent trickery” (Lenin 306). To justify a collaborationist and bourgeois stance, the Nepalese party claims the mantle of Lenin, but doesn't raise its revolutionary flag. On the contrary, Prachanda and his clique make Lenin into a common liberal by saying “if Lenin had lived another 5 or 10 years he would also introduce multiparty competition, this is my understanding” (Ely).
            This assertion, of course, is patently ridiculous for everyone who has read Lenin’s works on the dictatorship of the proletariat, which were then enunciated by Comrade Stalin. “The dictatorship of the proletariat,” said Stalin, “can be complete only when it is led by a party, the party of the communists, which does not and should not share the leadership with other parties” (Stalin, Concerning Questions of Leninism). The truth is that Lenin always put forward the Marxist-Leninist line on the capitalist state in relation to the dictatorship of the proletariat and the building of socialism. Lenin said that there is no “halfway” or “hybrid” state possible—a state is either socialist or capitalist, either under the rule of the proletariat or the rule of the bourgeoisie. Lenin also maintained that “the emancipation of the oppressed class is impossible not only without a violent revolution, but also without the destruction of the apparatus of state power which was created by the ruling class” (Lenin, The State and Revolution). Both of these basic tenets of Marxism have continuously been denied by the Nepalese party.
            Worse than this, the Prachanda leadership supports disarming the Indian Maoist guerillas in favor of his bourgeois “peaceful transition” strategy. This comes hot on the heels of the Indian state gearing up for a fascist war against the Naxalite/Maoist insurgents. Calling on the Naxalites to disarm against the machine guns of the government, Prachanda says, “We believe [bourgeois democracy] applies to them [the Indians] too. We want to debate this. They have to understand this and go down this route. Both on the questions of leadership and on multiparty democracy, or rather multiparty competition, those who call themselves revolutionaries in India need to think about these issues. And there is a need to go in the direction of that practice” (Varadarajan). It should be noted also that the Communist Party of India (Maoist) has previously exposed Prachanda’s revisionism and liberalism in several letters and polemics issued to them. The Revolutionary Communist Party USA and other RIM parties have as well.
            Questionable Theoretical Stances & Praise of Trotskyism
            The Maoist government of Nepal has lately been seeking favor with the American imperialists, the Chinese social-imperialists and the reactionary Indian state. This stems from their revisionist, anti-Marxist and anti-proletarian theories. This stems also from their chauvinist following of Maoism, which proclaims a thesis on “protracted people’s war” similar to the Shining Path’s. It proclaims that “the theory developed by fusion of protracted People’s War and insurrection has special significance and it has become universal” (quoted in Open Letter to the UCPN [Maoist] by the Communist Party of India [Maoist]). The UCPN(M) has also put forward that Lenin’s theory of imperialism, which they attempt to co-opt for Mao, is somehow “outdated” in the modern era, no doubt to pave the way for their collaboration with American and Chinese imperialism. The Worker, an organ of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), states that “[o]ur Party, under the leadership of Chairman Comrade Prachanda, believes that the analysis of imperialism made by Lenin and Mao in the 20th century cannot scientifically guide the Maoist revolutionaries to develop correct strategy and tactics to fight in the 21st century” (“The Worker,” 84).
            Most troubling however, is the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)’s rehabilitation of the counterrevolutionary and anti-Marxist theory of Trotskyism. The summer issue of the journal “The Red Spark” (Rato Jhilko) has published an article by Dr. Baburam Bhattarai stating that, “Today, the globalization of imperialist capitalism has increased many-fold as compared to the period of the October Revolution. The development of information technology has converted the world into a global village. However, due to the unequal and extreme development inherent in capitalist imperialism this has created inequality between different nations. In this context, there is still (some) possibility of revolution in a single country similar to the October revolution; however, in order to sustain the revolution, we definitely need a global or at least a regional wave of revolution in a couple of countries. In this context, Marxist revolutionaries should recognize the fact that in the current context, Trotskyism has become more relevant than Stalinism to advance the cause of the proletariat” (Bhattarai 10).
This speaker is not a small figure. Dr. Bhattarai is a politburo member of the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and is considered to be its leading theoretician. He is essentially the number two next to Prachanda and has served as Minister of Finance. Despite his disturbing assertion, the American Party of Labor and the communist movement in general have always exposed the reactionary nature of Trotskyism as an anti-Marxist theory. We realize that the Trotskyite theory of “Permanent Revolution” is irrelevant to today's world. Trotsky's theory is absolutist in that it is either permanent revolution or no revolution. However, Lenin and Stalin proved the case that socialism in one country is possible while maintaining that it is not the final victory of the proletariat.
“[T]he overthrow of the power of the bourgeoisie and establishment of the power of the proletariat in one country does not yet mean that the complete victory of socialism has been ensured." Stalin says, "After consolidating its power and leading the peasantry in its wake the proletariat of the victorious country can and must build a socialist society. But does this mean that it will thereby achieve the complete and final victory of socialism, i.e., does it mean that with the forces of only one country it can finally consolidate socialism and fully guarantee that country against intervention and, consequently, also against restoration? No, it does not. For this the victory of the revolution in at least several countries is needed. Therefore, the development and support of revolution in other countries is an essential task of the victorious revolution. Therefore, the revolution which has been victorious in one country must regard itself not as a self-sufficient entity, but as an aid, as a means for hastening the victory of the proletariat in other countries” (Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism). Stalin’s thesis in turn supports Lenin's thesis that the revolution must do “the utmost possible in one country for the development, support and awakening of the revolution in all countries” (Lenin, The Proletarian Revolution & the Renegade Kautsky). Either Mr. Bhattarai is intentionally leaving out Stalin's true position on Socialism in One Country so as to give kudos to Trotskyism or he is not aware of this passage. We are not inclined to believe the latter since its source is Stalin's most prominent work.
Despite this statement, Trotskyism and Trotsky's ideas are not relevant to today's world and certainly not to Nepal. Trotsky was an opponent of guerrilla warfare, which has been the main vehicle of the armed struggle in the world and Nepal in particular. Trotskyism is also not significant anywhere, and especially not amongst the most oppressed sectors of the world. Bhattarai is trying to resurrect ideas that are Eurochauvinist and complete failures at initiating any insurrectionary tactics.
            Surrendering Marxism in Words & Deeds
            The line of the UCPN(M) on the theoreticians of Marxism is as questionable as their recent deeds in Nepal in stopping the people’s war. Prachanda once said that “Stalin had made a serious mistake of ideology, in philosophy, in science—and all of the workers movement has taken so much loss from this deviation from dialectical materialism” (Ely). Without going into too much detail defending the legacy of Stalin as a great Marxist and teacher, the APL must ask: does this mean Prachanda himself is not guilty of these same so-called mistakes? He is quoted as saying, “I am not an atheist […] do not take the Maoist Party as an atheist party” (“Telegraph Nepal”). Prachanda has admitted to the world that he is not an atheist, which Lenin himself said that every socialist must be as a rule, and which would show his complete denial of science and self-deluded embrace of idealism and would bar him from making any accusations of “deviating” from dialectical materialism. Prachanda also is quoted as not believing in the abolishment in private property, which leaves us to ponder how the UCPN(M) would create socialism by leaving bourgeois property intact.
            The throwing out of the Soviet Union as a model of socialism and the leadership and theories of Joseph Stalin as one of the classics of Marxism does not stop there. Prachanda once said about his own party’s ideology: “[w]e are fully confident that we are developing the [Marxist] ideology from Lenin, not from Stalin” (Ely). Like many Maoists, the UCPN(M) adjusts their views on Stalin to suite their own ends, a strategy that is particularly disturbing in the wake of Bhattarai’s praise of Trotskyism. The leadership of Nepal has disgraced the memory of actually existing socialism in the service of the bourgeoisie, working overtime to apologize to reactionaries and bourgeois propagandists for Stalin, or just not to mention him at all in comparison to the Great Helmsman, or perhaps Prachanda himself. It has always been the position of the American Party of Labor since its founding that Joseph Stalin was a great Marxist-Leninist who fought all his life for the interests of the working class and socialism. The non-revisionist communist parties in all countries have always upheld the experience of socialism under Stalin as a part of upholding the ideology of Marxism and always will. The APL views the ideologies, beliefs and practices of Lenin and Stalin as inseparable, and thus the idea of taking from Lenin and not Stalin, or from Stalin and not Lenin, is theoretically absurd.
            Prachanda’s leadership has also proposed dropping the “Maoist” label from their party’s title to gain favor with foreign imperialist powers like China and the United States in wake of their fusing with revisionist and bourgeois parties at the behest of the revisionist and state-capitalist “Communist” Party currently ruling China. The Times of India reported that “Prachanda, chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), and Nepal’s first revolutionary prime minister, capped the growing debate about the party at home and abroad Friday by telling journalists at the Nepalgunj airport, prior to kicking off a festival, that two months ago, he had proposed to the central committee of his party that the Maoist tag be jettisoned” (17-10-2008). It also reported that the “Chinese government […] advocated the unification of the communist parties in Nepal to form a single monolithic party like the Communist Party of China. The Maoists have taken the advice to heart” (17-10-2008).
            Splits Within the UCPN(M)
            Matrika Yadav, a former member of the Central Committee of the party, resigned last year from his post as Minister of Land Reforms and Management. He claims to have now quit the Maoist party for good after coming under fire from the Prachanda leadership for redistributing land to poor peasants, which the party labeled as anarchistic activity. About his resignation, he said ”Prime Minister [Prachanda] had the compulsion to ensure survival of the government. I had the compulsion to advocate in favour of landless people” (Nepal News”). He accused the UCPN(M) of being a revisionist and reformist party that was “no longer” a communist party and was capitulating to the class enemy by dissolving the PLA. Since then, Yadav has sought to form his own party to go against the dissolution of the PLA and to seize property from the feudalists and the regional bourgeois parties who act in the interests of local comprador landlords, which he vocally accused the party of compromising with. Yadav claimed in an interview that the “unified Maoist party is no longer a real communist party. Prachandaji has welcomed those people in the party who always criticized the decade-long armed struggle. He has close alliance with those reactionary forces. I have asked him to read his own articles about revolution and people’s liberation written in the past” (Ojha).
            Yadav’s faction, which has since taken up arms, stated publically “the party also bowed down to the pressure of the parliamentary forces and agreed to return the land captured by the peasants and landless people during the conflict” (“NayaNews.com”). He accused Prachanda’s revisionist policies of leading “to the mushrooming of regional Madhesi parties who represent the landlords” (“NayaNews.com”). Regarding the dissolution of the PLA, Yadav spoke candidly about widespread criticism of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)’s handling of the situation. “The PLA combatants joined the war not for any personal gain. Many of them lost their relatives in the war. They want total liberation of the Nepali people. I have heard they are extremely frustrated now. They are saying their sacrifice has gone in vain” (Ojha). As if to prove him right, Prachanda announced that People’s Liberation Army is to become the national army and will be fully integrated with the reactionary bourgeois state. “Prachanda has said that the People's Liberation Army (PLA) would not remain under the party from now onwards” (Mingxin). These moves are nothing less than tearing the teeth out of the Nepalese movement.
            Support of Chinese “Market Socialism” & Foreign Imperialist Capital
            Rather than a Marxist-Leninist path of development and the construction of socialism, Prachanda has endorsed leaving Nepal open to foreign capital and a Dengist path of development. China Brief reports that during an interview “Prachanda went on further to chide Western-style capitalism and praised China’s model of economic development as one that Nepal will emulate. ‘We will build special economic zones like China,’ Prachanda said. ‘The special economic zones stimulated China’s economic development, and we want to learn from China. China’s experience is really helpful for us.’ In the interview, Prachanda emphasized the geographic proximity between China and Nepal, and the high respect that Nepalese people have for China and Chinese people. ‘For Nepal’s national independence, it is critically important for Nepal to maintain intimate relations with China’” (quoted in Hsiao).
            Some of the Nepal Maoists’ supporters have answered criticisms of these remarks by comparing this plan to the New Economy Policy in Soviet Russia. The idea that socialism has to beat capitalism and imperialism in terms of delivering commodities is a manifestation of the Theory of Productive Forces, a theory which history has proven wrong by the industrialization of small, isolated socialist nations in quick order. History has provided us with many examples of small, poor and backward countries that have had to defend themselves under very difficult conditions: Albania, Korea, Cuba, etc. In fact, it could be argued that these nations were in a much worse situation and much poorer and underdeveloped than Nepal (Korea was razed to the ground by the Korean War and Albania was a pre-feudal tribal society until the 1950s). There is historical precedent to consider on the question of industrialization.
            These remarks endorse the state-capitalist ideology of the Chinese revisionist politician Deng Xiaoping, who once stated there was “no fundamental contradiction between socialism and a market economy. The problem is how to develop the productive forces more effectively. We used to have a planned economy, but our experience over the years has proved that having a totally planned economy hampers the development of the productive forces to a certain extent. If we combine a planned economy with a market economy, we shall be in a better position to liberate the productive forces and speed up economic growth” (Xiaoping). Prachanda wishes to build a modern Chinese-style state-capitalist government in Nepal, and considering Prachanda Path's flimsy theoretical nature, we won't hold our breath for socialism in Nepal anytime soon.
            Conclusion
            The American Party of Labor has long been mindful of the revisionism coming out of Nepal. The revolution in Nepal requires a party led by the science of Marxism, a party that stands for carrying out the class struggle to the end. As of right now, the Maoists under the leadership of Prachanda have become the puppets of reaction and imperialism. If a party like the UCPN(M) is unable to correct its revisionism it will not be able to lead to a socialist, much less a communist society. As the APL has said before, in terms of building a socialist society, only the revolutionary science of Marxism-Leninism has been successful.

            Sources:
            "I Am Not An Atheist: Nepal Maoist Chief Prachanda." Telegraph Nepal 02 Sept. 2009: n. pag. Web.
            "International Dimension of Prachanda Path." The Worker. 10. 84. Print.
            "Matrika rules out leaving CPN-M." Nepal News. NepalNews.com, 24 Sept. 2008. Web.
            "Matrika Yadav Rebels Against UCPN-Maoist." NayaNews.com. N.p., 12 Feb. 2009. Web.
            "Nepal Maoists ready to abandon Mao." Times of India 17 Oct. 2008, Print.
            Bhattarai, Baburam. The Red Spark. #1 (2009): 10. Print.
            Ely, Mike. "Prachanda NYC Speech: A Maoist Vision for a New Nepal." Kasama Project, 27 Sept. 2008. Web.
            Hsiao, Russell. "Nepal Following China's Economic Path." China Brief. 8.14 (2008): Print.
            Lenin, V.I. Collected Works. “Letters from Afar.” 4th English. 23. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964. 306. Print.
            Lenin, V.I. The Proletarian Revolution & the Renegade Kautsky. 1st Ed. Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1972. 88. Print.
            Lenin, V.I. The State and Revolution. 1st Edition. Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1970. 10. Print.
            Mingxin, Bi. "Nepal's UCPN-M army to become national army soon." ChinaView 12 Feb. 2009, Print.
            Mishra, Rabindra. "Prachanda's first interview as Nepal PM." BBC News South Asia. BBC News, 03 Sept. 2008. Web.
            Ohja, Ghanashyam. "We will form our own army: Matrika Yadav." República 01 March 2009, Print.
            Stalin, J.V. Collected Works, “Concerning Questions of Leninism”. Vol. 8. Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1954. 13-96. Print.
            Stalin, J.V. The Foundations of Leninism. Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1976. 38. Print.
            Varadarajan, Siddharth. "Exclusive interview with Prachanda, Maoist leader." Hindu 8-10 Feb. 2006: Print.
            Xiaoping, Deng. “There is No Fundamental Contradiction Between Socialism and a Market Economy”. Selected Works Vol. 3. Beijing: People's Daily, 1985. Print.

Who Started the War?

            Anti-Communist Hysteria on the Rise

            It seems that once again a specter is haunting Europe, if not the world. Yes, the specter of communism, which was supposedly totally discredited, debunked and rendered wholly irrelevant since 1989. The ruing classes of Europe and the industrialized imperialist world are again putting all their efforts into exorcising this demon; whereas ten years ago they scoffed at Marxism and communism as the profits of the internet boom, outsourcing and neo-liberalism rolled in, they are now in a total panic. That “discredited” theory has got them so terrified that they have, in the past few years, began not only to dredge up all the standard anti-communist propaganda of the Cold War years, but have even resorted to re-writing and re-interpreting history so as to invent new myths.

            In Ukraine, the push for international recognition of the 1932-33 famine as genocide was successful under the aegis of Viktor Yushenko. A museum dedicated to the “victims of communism” was opened in Washington D.C. The Katyn massacre is bandied about endlessly while the millions of Polish civilians who died at the hands of the Germans are virtually ignored and the victories Polish People’s Army, which participated in the liberation of Warsaw and the capture of Berlin, is utterly forgotten on the world stage. The 60,000-100,000 Bolshevik prisoners of war who died in Polish captivity after the Russo-Polish war, a war started by Poland, are completely forgotten as well—they don’t count. The history of the Second World War is being actively re-written so as to totally omit the pivotal role played by the USSR and the world’s communist parties in the victory over fascism. Worse still, in 2009 there has been a trend to equate communism and Nazism, to proclaim them allies, and to actually blame Stalin for starting WWII. The praise for Hitler, allowing him to circumvent the Treaty of Versailles and re-arm, the hypocritical Non-Intervention in Spain and the betrayal of Munich are all to be forgotten. We are supposed to believe that it was the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact which gave Hitler a green light to go to war, while ignoring years of collaboration and encouragement for Hitler from the Western powers.

            How far has the hysteria gone? In July of 2009, an OSCE parliamentary resolution drafted by Lithuanian Vilija Aleknaite-Abramikiene called for the 23rd of August to be made a day of remembrance for the “victims of Nazism and Stalinism.” This resolution attributes blame for WWII equally upon both Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union; Munich and the years of Western support and collaboration with Nazi Germany and fascist Italy are ignored entirely. Possibly as a result of this decision, a new wave of articles hit the newspapers and internet around August to the 1st of September 2009, practically if not literally proclaiming Stalin guilty for starting WWII. This demonstrates that the hysteria has reached such a pitch that the ruling classes of Europe are more than willing to re-write even the most basic historical facts. It is absurd beyond all explanation that the Western powers could spend years trying to downplay if not totally ignore the Soviet Union’s role in destroying fascism in the Second World War, yet they are willing to make a most idiotic leap of logic to blame the whole war on the Soviet Union. One might ask whether or not such people would prefer the masses to believe that Stalin alone rather than Hitler started the war; I am inclined to believe yes. The ruling classes of Europe do not fear Nazism resurgent, but communism is a real threat. It is that fact which serves as a principle reason for the rise of anti-communist hysteria, which we will explore in detail later in this text. For the moment, let us focus on the allegation itself. 

            Addressing the Allegation

Anyone familiar with history has heard the term “Big Lie.” The term was coined by none other than Adolf Hitler, who explained that people would more likely believe a big lie simply because they would not expect anyone to tell such preposterous lies. Of course that theory is rather absurd; I could tell a big lie by claiming to have a pet dinosaur, and most would simply laugh at the claim. “Big Lies” do exist however, and those which are effective are those which are on one hand often repeated, and on the other so multi-layered that most people simply do not have the requisite knowledge to challenge them. A claim with one or two falsehoods or logical fallacies is easy to spot, but the lies surrounding this new mythology of the Second World War and the Molotov-Ribbentrop non-aggression pact contain so many distortions and omissions that they are difficult to answer in detail without filling entire books. The best way to challenge these lies is to break down the claim into various parts and address each one in concise fashion. Thus let us begin to do just that.

            Claim: Nazi Germany & the Soviet Union, by way of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Agreement, were Allies.

            Firstly, a non-aggression pact is not an alliance. This might seem like legalistic quibbling, until one considers that Poland signed a non-aggression pact with the USSR in 1932, and later concluded a non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany in 1935. One would be hard pressed to find any mainstream source of historical literature referring to Poland and the USSR or Poland and Germany as “allies,” despite the fact that Poland took advantage of Germany’s dismantling of Czechoslovakia to invade and seize part of the newly independent fascist Slovakia. It is worth noting that the territory seized from Czechoslovakia by Poland had a minority Polish population, a fact the reader should keep in mind for later.

            One might claim that the pact was an alliance because of the transfer of raw materials to Germany. This fails for several reasons; first among them is the fact that again, Poland signed a trade agreement with Nazi Germany after signing the non-aggression pact with the latter. Again, nobody speaks of the “allies” Germany and Poland “carving up” Czechoslovakia. Furthermore, the US was still shipping vital scrap metal and oil to Japan despite the latter’s conquest of Manchuria and invasion of China. Japan received 80% of its oil from the US, which only cut off oil exports in 1940 when Japan invaded French Indochina. Again, who claims that the US and Japan were allies?

            Much has also been said about the collaboration of American corporations with Nazi Germany, IBM most likely being the most notorious due to the role their products had in the Holocaust. Does anyone blame America for the Holocaust? While much is said today about the resources gained from the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, not a word is mentioned about the key role played by German subsidiaries of GM and Ford in arming the Wehrmacht. The switch-over from civilian to military production in these plants was not only known, but encouraged by the US-based corporate HQs of these companies. Perhaps far more importantly, the US corporations Standard Oil and Texaco provided Germany with vital supplies even after the war began. Standard Oil even assisted the Germans in creating synthetic fuel, which proved crucial to Germany’s war effort.

            When considering whether the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, even taking into account the resource transfers to Germany, was the catalyst for the Second World War, it helps to realize that Albert Speer, armaments minister of Germany and a close confident of Hitler, once remarked that Hitler would not have gone to war had it not been for the capability to synthesize fuel.

            Why did the USSR sign the Non-Aggression Pact with Germany? Western Conciliation and Collaboration sets the Stage

            In Mein Kampf, Adolf Hitler laid out what he saw as a plan for the salvation and preservation of Germany and its people. Hitler understood that Germany could not possibly rely on a maritime empire with far-flung colonies like those of Britain or France. As such he envisioned a European, contiguous land empire expanding eastward. Unlike the fallen Austro-Hungarian Empire, which Hitler despised for its multi-ethnic, cosmopolitan nature, Germany’s new empire would expand into Belarus, Ukraine and European Russia, but the population would either be killed, deported, or sterilized and used as slaves. Upon invading the USSR in 1941, this process of ethnic cleansing, enslavement and extermination began from the first days of the invasion and would continue until the Germans were finally pushed out of Soviet territory. Incidentally the plan for the whole campaign was to take all the land up to what was called the Archangel-Astrakhan line, running from the north all the way to the Caspian Sea in the south. With chilling sobriety, German planners estimated that countless millions would die from starvation alone. This was the threat hanging over the USSR since Hitler came to power.

            Speaking in the 18th Congress of the VKP (b) in March of 1939, Stalin put forth the line that the outside world could be divided into two camps. On one hand there were the “democracies” consisting of the United Kingdom, France and the US, all of which had an interest in maintaining the status quo. In the other camp were Germany, Japan and Italy. Having turned to fascism and nationalism in response to their economic predicaments, they had a natural inclination to seek out new markets via military means. Germany had no colonies and based on Hitler’s ideas, a genetic imperative to expand eastward. Italy had few colonial possessions but its eyes were focused on what seemed like easy targets such as Albania and Abyssinia. Japan held some colonial possessions for some time and had already began to expand starting with its conquest of Manchuria in 1931, and by 1939 it had already been engaged in a war against China for almost two years. While the “army faction” of the military junta ruling Japan wished to expand the China war into a war against the USSR, the navy faction sought new sources of oil and rubber in the colonial possessions of France, England, America and the Netherlands.

            Given the situation at the time, it was clear that though England, France and the United States were imperialist states, they represented a far lesser evil than the rising Axis powers. Moreover, these states had a desire for peace, on one hand because their populations were not keen on going to war, on the other hand because they had large markets under their control and no reason to buck the status quo. The Soviet Union had an even greater interest in preserving peace; having barely completed its industrialization, it was imperative to equip and modernize its armed forces. Based on this disposition, the policy of the USSR was to seek collective security with England and France against Germany and Italy. There was only one problem with this strategy: the English and French had to be willing.

            During the Russian Civil War, numerous imperial powers invaded the dying Russian Empire, hoping to strangle Bolshevism in the cradle and hopefully snatch their own piece of territory. Among the armies of intervention were the French and the British. When the Whites and their allies failed, the British and French attempted to create a “cordon sanitare” around the Soviet Union in hopes of stopping the spread of communism. The success of the fascists in defeating the communists of Germany and Italy suggested that they may become a bulwark against the USSR and communism. As such, though it was against their own objective interests, the Western powers became increasingly friendly to both Hitler and Mussolini.

            From the time Hitler came to power in 1933, Britain and France began to cow to Germany at every opportunity. Britain made the first move, signing a naval treaty with Germany in 1935 which was vital to its rearmament. Nothing was done to prevent the Germany’s reoccupation of the Rhineland in 1936. Probably the most egregious act of Britain and France in terms of appeasement prior to Munich was the “Non-Intervention Agreement” concluded with the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. This agreement prevented the Spanish Republic, the legally elected government of Spain, from having the right to buy weapons for its own defense. While the Republic was isolated by its neighbors, Germany and Italy sent thousands of men, along with planes and tanks for the nationalist rebels. The rebels were provided with oil on credit by Texaco. Upon seeing that Non-Intervention actually meant allowing the nationalists to destroy the Republic with ease, the Soviet Union quickly withdrew from the embargo and began to supply the Republic with high-tech arms. Thousands of pilots and other military advisors were sent to Spain while the Comintern organized volunteers from around the world to fight in the International Brigades. German and Italian U-Boats torpedoed Soviet merchant ships sailing to Spain, while on one occasion a Royal Navy vessel watched as the German Kriegsmarine shelled the Spanish coast in support of a nationalist attack. Spain was sacrificed in the hopes that Germany would look east and only east. Next on the chopping block would be Austria and Czechoslovakia.

            The Germans managed to pull off their crooked “Anschluss” with Austria without any opposition from abroad. In the case of Czechoslovakia, the last democracy in Central Europe, the fate of this small country would be decided without its presence at the negotiating table. Also excluded was the Soviet Union, which later attempted to send weapons to Czechoslovakia (which sadly ended up in German hands). The annexation of the Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia meant that the country’s border defenses ended up in the hands of the Germans, leaving the last democracy in Central Europe to be picked clean by Germany, Hungary and Poland. Slovakia became a German client state under the fascist regime of Josef Tiso. Hitler was not satisfied with Munich though; he felt that he had been swindled, and “denied” the war he desired.

            Soviet attempts to create an Alliance with Britain and France; the Ultimate Betrayal at Munich

            Recognizing the threat posed by Nazi Germany, and with an understanding that their capability for war was at the time insufficient, the Soviets strove to create a collective security pact with Britain and France. When the Molotov-Ribbentrop Non-Aggression Pact was signed, the Soviets had been embroiled in negotiations with the British and French for six months. Negotiations stalled when the Soviets demanded transit rights through Poland and Romania should war with Germany break out. Both Poland and Romania were at the time anti-communist states with fascist or quasi-fascist regimes; both were embroiled in territorial disputes with the USSR as well. The British and French seemed willing to conclude a political agreement, but the Soviets quite rightly judged this to be useless without a military agreement. Stalin believed that there was the possibility the English would conclude a pact with the USSR and then not come to aid militarily if war broke out. Considering the Anglo-French reaction to the invasion of Poland, this fear might have been right in hindsight.

            As negotiations broke down, it was the Germans who began to suggest an agreement to the Soviets. At first the Soviets did nothing; it was clear this was a ploy to spoil the negotiations with the French and English. At the same time however, it was becoming clear that the English and French were deliberately dragging out the negotiations, particularly on the military aspect of a pact. This idea was supported by the fact that the Anglo-French military delegation headed to Moscow not by plane but by a slow ship to Leningrad. With the English and French clearly sabotaging the negotiations in a vain hope of deterring Hitler by the mere threat of an alliance, the Soviets began to talk to the Germans.

            In his book Stalin’s Wars, author Geoffery Roberts points out that aside from the lack of a provision condemning aggression against a third country by a party to the agreement, this Non-Aggression Pact was not much different than any other non-aggression pact the Soviets had signed in the 20s and 30s. Roberts characterized the pact as a pledge of Soviet neutrality in the event of a German war against Poland. It is also worth noting that prior to the beginning of negotiations with the Germans, Soviet intelligence as well as Stalin himself were convinced that a German attack on Poland was inevitable. All that mattered is where Germany would stop, an issue we will explore in detail later.

            Roberts goes on to point out that in August 1939, it was not clear that Poland would fold so easily against the German war machine, which had yet to debut in combat save for limited action in the Spanish Civil War. While the English and French had guaranteed Poland’s independence, there was still the possibility of a Munich-style betrayal, which would have handed to the Germans either a part of Poland’s territory if not the whole country itself. This was a critical threat for the USSR because Poland in 1939 included the territories of Western Belarus and the Halychyna (Galicia)/Volhynia (Volyn) regions of Ukraine. Were Germany to occupy, by whatever means, all of 1939-era Poland, it would have brought their armies far closer to Kiev, Leningrad and Moscow. From East Prussia the Germans could also easily move up through the Baltic countries. To prevent this from happening, the Soviets agreed to “spheres of interest” in Eastern Europe that would theoretically keep the Germans at bay. Thus the pact not only bought the USSR time to reorganize and arm its forces, but also helped push the border westward. Of course the Soviets were aware that the Germans might not honor their part of the deal, and they were not pleased when the Soviets retook Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina from Romania, a move which brought them dangerously close to Germany’s vital oil supply from the fields of Ploesti.

            After the war had already broken out, Stalin gave his opinion on the pact and the fall of Poland to Germany in a meeting with Georgi Dimitrov, leader of the Comintern, who noted it down in his diary. “A war is on between two groups of capitalist countries…for the redivision of the world, for the domination of the world! We see nothing wrong in their having a good hard fight and weakening each other. It would be fine if at the hands of Germany the position of the richest capitalist countries (especially England) were shaken. Hitler, without understanding it or desiring it, is shaking and undermining the capitalist system…We can maneuver, pit one side against the other to set them fighting with each other as fiercely as possible. The non-aggression pact is to a certain degree helping Germany. Next time we’ll urge on the other side…Formerly…the Polish state was a national state. Therefore, revolutionaries defended it against partition and enslavement. Now (Poland) is a fascist state, oppressing the Ukrainians, Belorussians, and so forth. The annihilation of that state under current conditions would mean one fewer bourgeois fascist state to contend with! What would be the harm if as a result of the rout of Poland we were to extend the socialist system onto new territories and populations?”

            After 1945, that vision came true.

            The Partition of “Poland”

            Part of the “big lie” surrounding the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact is the claim that “Germany and the Soviet Union attacked and divided up Poland.” At face value this seems true, until one actually looks at the details. While the Germans attempted to get the Soviets to invade as soon as possible, Molotov rejected premature intervention. The Soviets never crossed the Polish border until 17 September, after the Polish government had fled the country and the Germans had declared that they no longer recognized the existence of a state named “Poland.” This declaration gave the Germans “legal” grounds to drive right up to the Soviet frontier. In fact on several occasions German forces did attempt to just that, in hopes that the Soviets would not contest any ground they managed to grab. Thus, Red Army troops were sent into Galicia and Volyn under the orders to prevent the Germans from seizing these territories.

            Did this invasion constitute an aggressive attack? Does this prove that the USSR was attacking Poland as an “ally” of Germany? Hardly—as noted before, Poland had a non-aggression pact with Germany when it seized a non-Polish territory of Czechoslovakia. Nowhere today in the mainstream media do we hear about dastardly Poland’s “alliance” with Germany and how the Nazis and Poles “carved up Czechoslovakia.”

            There are some other facts worth considering as well. Most important of all are the facts surrounding the lie that the USSR invaded “Eastern Poland.” The territory of “Eastern Poland” at the time consisted of Ukrainian and Belorussian territories seized by Poland in a war of aggression back in 1921. With the Bolsheviks tied down in the Civil War, Poland rejected the borders it had been granted and attempted to take Belarus and Ukraine. The Poles managed to defeat Ukrainian nationalist forces and were poised to take Kiev when they were pushed all the way back to Warsaw by the Red Army. Despite this success, the Bolsheviks still had to contend not only with the White Guards but also the armies of the imperialist intervention. They signed the Treaty of Riga with Poland, ceding the disputed territories of Volyn and Galicia in Western Ukraine and territory in Western Belarus. Polish rule was unpopular; in fact a Ukrainian nationalist insurgency broke out in the late 20s, and the Germans even used supporters of this nationalist movement in their war against Poland in 1939. Had the Germans been allowed to take all of 1939 Poland, they would have been dangerously close to the USSR’s most vital territory.

            It is also worth noting the reaction of the world to the Soviet invasion, particularly in contrast to the reaction to the German invasion. Honoring their pledge to Poland in word though not in deed, the English and French declared war on Germany on the 3rd of September 1939. Neither declared war on the USSR however. England, France and Romania had military alliances with Poland, and none of these countries declared war on the USSR. The League of Nations did not declare the Soviet invasion an act of aggression, nor did any other country. In fact not even Poland declared war on the USSR. Poland’s supreme commander even ordered the army not to resist the Red Army, while still urging continued resistance to the Germans. Here is the text of his order of 17 September 1939:

            “The Soviets have invaded. My orders are to carry out the retirement into Rumania and Hungary by the shortest routes. Do not engage the Soviets in military actions, only in the event of disarming our units by them. The task for Warsaw and Modlin, which must defend themselves against the Germans, remain unchanged. Units towards whose formations the Soviets have approached should negotiate with them with the aim of the exit of the garrisons into Rumania or Hungary.

            Supreme Commander

            Marshal of Poland E. Rydz-Smigly"

            It is also interesting to note that Winston Churchill himself, a die-hard anti-communist and a beloved icon of anti-communist authors today, was in favor of the Soviet action in Poland. Again, author Geoffery Roberts provides us with Churchill’s words from a radio broadcast of the 1st of October 1939:

            “Russia had pursued a cold policy of self-interest. We could have wished that the Russian armies should be standing on their present line as the friends and allies of Poland instead of invaders. But that the Russian armies should stand on this line was clearly necessary for the safety of Russia against the Nazi menace…I cannot forecast to you the action of Russia. It is a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma; but perhaps there is a key. That key is Russian national interest. It cannot be in accordance with the interest or the safety of Russia that Germany should plant itself upon the shores of the Black Sea, or that it should overrun the Balkan states and subjugate the Slavonic peoples of south-eastern Europe. That would be contrary to the historic life-interests of Russia.”

            The idea of an innocent Poland, beset upon by two predatory “totalitarian” “allies” has long stood as a useful myth not only to the anti-communists of Poland but also to the English, who have long maintained this myth to paint their involvement in the Second World War as being a selfless act in defense of a weaker nation. As laughable as this is, many still believe today that the USSR’s invasion of Galicia, Volyn and Belarus can be equated with Germany’s invasion, which not only occupied Polish land but also ethnically cleansed Poles from the Wartheland as they resettled the area with German colonists. Then again, most people have never heard of Galicia or Volyn.

            Why Are They Rewriting History?

            The history of the Second World War is complex beyond words. Thousands upon thousands of books have been written on the subject. Every major battle has produced its own collection of books, and in some cases documentaries and feature films. The history of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact is itself incredibly complex. Here we have discussed only a bare minimum of facts, specifically key facts necessary for the refutation of this modern attempt to rewrite history. Exposing the facts about Western collaboration with fascism can only do so much good. The key issue is that in the past few years, fear of communism among the elite has risen to a level not seen since the McCarthy era. Why, if communism is supposedly dead and buried, do they need to go to such great lengths as to actually re-write history to a degree not even seen during the Cold War?

            It is not entirely coincidental that as capitalism descends once more into crisis and as the leading imperialist countries find themselves embroiled in two losing wars, the drive to push communism beyond the pale of political discourse has led to the rewriting of history’s most basic facts. 1991 was supposed to mark the triumph of capitalism and the free market. It was called “the end of history.” Capitalism brings prosperity, the free market conquers all. Reality brought something much different however.

            Within a few years, people who never had to worry about paying the rent, making ends meet or getting quality medical care suddenly found themselves helpless at the hands of rapacious thugs, gangsters and oligarchs. Millions were displaced as nations broke apart. Stability gave way to chaos, hopelessness, violence, sex slavery and human trafficking. Nationalism reached a fever pitch and tens of thousands of people were ethnically cleansed. Europe experienced its bloodiest conflict since the WWII. At first, many in Eastern Europe accepted the excuse that they had dismantled their old economies “too fast,” as though this was carried out according to their will as opposed to that of their respective ruling classes advised by and in collusion with businessmen and investors from around the globe. Things would get better after joining NATO and the EU, or a strong leader like Vladimir Putin would solve everything. It is now nearly 20 years since the fall of the Eastern Bloc, and the leaders who promised prosperous societies with respect for “human rights” have failed. They have failed and the people know it.

            Now in the throes of an economic crisis, one which now threatens the imperialist European Union, the specter of communism is again haunting Europe. With the US still suffering from massive unemployment, that specter is haunting the US as well. All over the world, even people who were once mainstream liberals are now starting to question capitalism itself. Many are no longer just questioning “unregulated capitalism” but capitalism itself. When we look at the riots in Greece unfolding before our eyes, or the struggle of the TEKEL workers in Turkey, when we see an increasing number of Eastern Europeans admitting that they had a better life under their revisionist regimes than their incompetent politicians today, we easily understand why it is necessary for the European elite to equate communism with Nazism, the latter being a monster fed and raised by capitalism itself. No wonder the American elite pays Glenn Beck to scare the politically and historically illiterate with the same idiotic conflation. After 1991 they could proclaim capitalism triumphant and Marx discredited. Today Marx has been vindicated; economic crisis, unemployment and poverty are all inherent and eternal in capitalism and always will be.

            There is no lie too great for the international ruling class when it comes to scaring the proletariat away from the path of liberation and emancipation. A few years ago they tried to erase the Soviet Union’s massive contribution to the defeat of fascism, the bastard child of capitalism. Today they are trying to tell us that Stalin was just as responsible for starting the Second World War. We can be certain they will continue raising the mythical body counts of communism to absurd levels as well. Try as they may, however, they will never exorcise this spirit from the mind of the working class, the one class of society that has the power to both provide for society’s needs and run society itself.

            As Enver Hoxha once said: “No force, no torture, no intrigue, no deception can eradicate Marxism-Leninism from the minds and hearts of men.”

 

            Sources:

            Furr, Grover. "the Soviet Union Invade Poland in 1939?." Cyrano's Journal (2009): n. pag. Web. .

            Pauwels, Jacques. "Profits über Alles! American Corporations and Hitler." Labour/La Travail 51. (2003): n. pag. Web. .

            Roberts, Geoffery. Wars: From World War to Cold War, 1939-1953. 1st. Yale University Press, 2007. Print.